The
dilemma of tax reform: structural or fiscal?
On October 20, the Minister of Finance, Mauricio Cárdenas,
presented to the Congress the law project on tax reform, largely based on the
report of the Commission of Tax Experts. The national government aims to raise $ 7.2 billion
and thus compensate the reduction in the Nation's income caused by factors such
as the fall in oil prices, the reduction of economic growth, which - according
to projections for 2016 of the Bank of the Republic, can be around 2% -, and
the elimination of temporary taxes from 2018.
In fact, the reform to the current tax structure
covers a great variety of taxes, measuring its relevance according to its
impact on the national treasury. Undoubtedly, the most significant contributions come
from income tax and value added tax (VAT), each of which contributes
approximately 40%.
According to the Minister of Finance, the reform
intends that those who earn more, pay more, likewise, facilitate compliance
with tax obligations. He argues that societies that currently
pay four direct taxes (rent, business income tax for equity (CREE), surplus to
CREE and wealth) will pay only one: income. The novelty of the proposal, in terms of direct taxes,
is the dividend tax. This initiative was presented in the 2014
legislature; however, on that occasion, it was not
adopted because the congressmen argued that doing so would generate double
taxation. Currently there is a favorable environment
to implement it, since at global level Piketty's tax
equity proposal has been widely accepted. The French economist argues that in order to combat
inequality, given that the rate of growth of the economy is less than the rate
of return on capital, capital must be taxed directly; therefore, in the legislative initiative the natural
persons with higher incomes should contribute more to the tax office.
Divergent opinions have emerged around direct taxes. For the president of the National Association of
Industrialists (ANDI, by its acronym in Spanish), Bruce Mac Master, the
proposal does not contribute to improve the competitiveness of companies, since
if the four taxes described above are compared with the two included in the
reform project (income and dividends), it turns out that the sum of the latter
two is greater than what the entrepreneurs currently pay. According to Mac Master, by 2017, with the existing
combination in front of the level established in the reform project, it would
go from 42.1 to 44.8%, that is, the rate would increase. In 2018 it would remain at 42.1% and, from 2019,
according to the current composition of the income tax, it would be at 34%. In addition, with the proposal suggested, this would
amount to 39%. In sum, for ANDI, the amount of direct taxes
suggested in the law project is higher than the one currently paid, which, if
approved as such, it will affect investment and, therefore, economic growth and
generation of employment.
On the other hand, for some analysts such as Eduardo
Sarmiento, Jorge Iván González and Armando Rodríguez,
among others, the proposal of tax reform in matters pertaining to direct taxes
is not progressive. Sarmiento considers that by replacing the
tax on wealth and income by income and dividends, the effective contribution is
reduced from 41 to 33%, that is, direct taxes are replaced by indirect ones,
and the progressivity of assets and income to legal persons is reduced,
increasing the taxation of labor compared to that of capital.
For his part, González points out that the income tax
rate declines as income rises, "instead of becoming exponential". By
not substantially affecting property and wealth, reform is not progressive and,
therefore, does not contribute to equity. Rodríguez argues that for 2014 the effective rate for
both income and VAT was 21.7% and 21.3%, respectively, which undermines the
thesis of those who consider that the companies contribute to the State 70% of
their profits.
Regarding the main indirect tax, VAT, the proposal
contemplates the possibility of raising the general rate from 16 to 19%. Some products, such as sugar, pasta, coffee, among
others that have been paying a VAT of 5%, maintain this rate. Most of the
family basket is exempt from this tax. Undoubtedly,
this is the most controversial point of the tax reform project and the one that
has caused the most criticism, because VAT is a regressive tax, since it is
paid by all people, regardless of whether they have a high or low income.
From the above it can be inferred that the proposal of
tax reform is not structural, but rather fiscal. To be structural, says González, two conditions must
be fulfilled: first, both taxes and subsidies and their net effect on
households must be taken into account. While the project mentions the need to assess the
impact of the two instruments on households, the impacts of these two
instruments are not considered in relation to existing subsidies.
Secondly, it is crucial, if the reform substantially
alters the relations between the factors of production (capital and labor). The proposal questions the nominal rate of corporate
income tax, arguing that it is very high compared to countries of similar
development to ours, but does not specify the magnitude of the effective rate
that is determinant, being considerably lower. Despite this, in the proposal are low middle class
households (wages starting at $ 2,300,000 per month) who will now have to pay
income tax. The reform is fiscalist
to the extent that it will serve to plug the current fiscal deficit, as well as
to solve some problems of taxpayers and remove some limitations of the current
tax regime.
LUIS E. VALLEJO ZAMUDIO
Director of Apuntes del Cenes Journal