Mujeres
en la caficultura tradicional colombiana, 1910-1970*
Renzo Ramírez Bacca[1]
Universidad Nacional de Colombia-Sede Medellín
Reception: 28/08/2014
Evaluation: 01/09/2014
Approval: 12/11/2014
Research and
innovation article.
Resumen
El texto
trata sobre la compleja y diversa dinámica laboral de la mujer en los sectores
rural y urbano de la industria cafetalera colombiana. Es una comprensión
sucinta limitada a la fase de producción del grano bajo la técnica bajo sombrío
en la zona andina durante gran parte del siglo XX. Resalta la condición de la
mujer a partir de su condición de recolectora, escogedora o tablonera.
Se trata de un enfoque descriptivo e historicista apoyado en un extenso acervo
documental y fuentes secundarias.
Palabras clave:
mujeres, trabajadoras, caficultura, Colombia.
Women in
Traditional Colombian Coffee Growing, 1910 – 1970
Abstract
This article discusses the complex and diverse labor dynamics of women
in rural and urban sectors of the Colombian coffee industry. This concise analysis is limited to the
production stage of the grain grown under shade, a technique that has been used
during a large part of the twentieth century in the Andean region; and
highlights the status of women, considering their condition as collectors,
sorters or tabloneras.
This study has a descriptive and historical approach supported by an extensive
documentary archive and secondary sources.
Keywords: workers, women, coffee growing, Colombia.
Femmes dans la
caféiculture traditionnelle colombienne, 1910-1970
Résumé
Ce texte reconstruit la dynamique complexe et diverse du travail des femmes
dans les secteurs rural et urbain de l’industrie caféière colombienne. Il
s’agit d’une étude succincte limitée à la phase de production du grain sous la
technique de la culture dite « sous l’ombre » dans la zone andine pendant une
grande partie du XXe siècle. Il souligne la condition de la femme à partir de
sa condition de cueilleuse, escogedora ou tablonera. On y entreprend une analyse descriptive et
historiciste appuyée sur un ensemble documentaire étendu ainsi que sur une
large bibliographie.
Mots-clés: femmes, travailleuses, caféiculture, Colombie.
1. Introduction
This text considers women as both actors and historical subjects in one of the most important socio-productive activities in Colombia of the 20th century: coffee cultivation. This industry was representative of the Andean agrarian sector and is characterized because it invigorated the labor practices of colonists and peasants in the zones of agricultural frontiers until consolidating the agro-industrial industry.
But, similarly, it allowed the initiation of socio-cultural processes that had no antecedents in the national agrarian history. It is the motivation to raise the question: what was the role of women during the traditional production stage of coffee grown under shade[2]?
Colombian historiography on the coffee issue in fact has different emphases and relations that are derived from economic history, sociology and anthropology. Ramírez Bacca offers a bibliographical review of the Colombian coffee industry, which reveals the non-incorporation of the problem of women and family nuclei in the classic works on coffee, but it does so with the contributions of Garzon, Meertens and Chacon, whose antecedents are Leon de Leal, García, Medrano, Arcila and Campillo[3]. As it concludes:
The vacuum is due in part to the lack of primary sources, which would allow the theme to be worked on from a historical perspective. Also, it is due to the lack of systematic research on peasant family nuclei and their employment relationship in agrarian structures. However, the concept of gender is a category of analysis that can well be identified and continue to be applied in agricultural studies[4].
It is not surprising then that
in recent years Rodríguez Giraldo[5] carried out a study in which he warns of the ideal
representations created by institutions such as the National Federation of
Coffee Growers (FNC, by its acronym in Spanish), based on the family nuclei
dedicated to coffee cultivation[6], and how instrumentalizing the category of gender contributes to the
visibility and analysis of the role of women in the rural context of the
Colombian coffee zones. The other
important text is by Ramírez Bacca
on female coffee pickers linked to the semi-industrial coffee sector in
Antioquia[7], as well as, Rodríguez Valencia's recent theses on
women and family in three Colombian coffee regions: Calarcá
and Montenegro in Quindío and Sevilla in the Department of Valle del Cauca[8]; and Suaréz Quintero on
the cultural construction of the identity of women in the town of Marquetalia, Department of Caldas[9].
Other lines of academic production
related to female rural workers in other productive sectors, the family and
Colombian labor history are not considered here[10].
Already in the Latin American sphere, grain-producing countries like Brazil and Costa Rica, stand out for certain studies that revitalize the concept and the role of women; in fact, Scott defends the importance of the gender category for historical analysis[11]. An example is provided by Grossman and Leandro, who study women in coffee production in the cases of Costa Rica and Brazil, but placing the analysis in a functionalist perspective of socio-economic development and labor and the socio-productive participation of women with statistical information[12]. Likewise, Stolcke's work with a historical-anthropological approach on women and the family in Sao Paulo farms constitutes an important reference[13].
In terms of methodology, this article develops a historical-critical approach whose sources of information are based on statistical, institutional, trade and research results. Data, of a fragmented nature, allows for an interpretative understanding, which accounts for certain functional characteristics of the socio-productive role of women. There is instead an intentionality and hermeneutical technique in order to understand the socio-cultural context of women in the traditional productive phase of coffee grown under shade. In this sense, it is a historicist representation, which, due to the limitation of the proposed time frame, does not contemplate other phenomena and recent processes in coffee zones, and, whose conceptual tools, are defined throughout the text, especially by the descriptive nature of the proposed approach.
2. Background
Analyzing the role of women in
traditional Colombian coffee cultivation means considering the population
dynamics and processes of agro-industrial experimentation[14]. We can consider, as a context, the great
transformation of the rural sector and the peasantry that began at the end of
the 19th century. McGreevey this points
out, when he indicates that a fifth of this population actually achieved its
specialization thanks to coffee between 1870 and 1930[15]. Never before in economic history had a
similar phenomenon occurred[16]. The effects of this process also implied an
agro-export specialization of the national economy, evidenced in the levels of
production and export between 1910 and 1930[17]. The
industry grew by 500%, offering unprecedented dynamism. In the same sense,
exports would not have increased without advances in the transport system,
especially the development of rail lines, aerial cable and roads leading to the
Magdalena River[18].
It was a time of prosperity in which the purchasing power of the population increased and some industrialization was achieved thanks to exports. It should also be recognized that the success of the crop was due to the excellent land and good climates, at a time when a number of towns and farms had already been consolidated, as a result of the different distribution policies of bare areas and migrations between regions.
In that process, the contribution of the family nucleus was also important, particularly for its socio-labor function. To this can be added the different funding systems and dissemination strategies developed with small and medium-sized owners.
The great problem that the producers had was labor, for this same reason the employment of women and infants became a strategy that was indicated at the time, either because of the excessive use of it or because it was even insufficient in the harvesting periods of the grain. But just as the coffee crop was based on the family nucleus, numerous in progeny, as it was presented in the current area of Antioquia and the Coffee belt[19], it was necessary to engage labor in the most populated areas of the Cundiboyacense region[20]. In the same sense, the role of women was important in the semi-industrial phase of coffee, specifically in threshing machines as pickers of the grain; in part because it represents the formation of a new urban socio-labor group during the first decades of the 20th century, and because their role as coffee collectors became equally fundamental in rural areas (figure 1).
Figure 1. Map of coffee growing zones in Colombia
Source: National
Federation of Colombian Coffee Growers (FNCC, by its acronym in Spanish).
3. The rural
sector: tabloneras
and collectors
In the border zones of the Andean region different types of agrarian structures were configured[21], - small, medium and large properties-; which were consolidated according to the extension of the permanent crops - Coffea Arabica variety (Bourbon, Maragogipe and Typica) shaded with legumes, especially with leafy trees of guamo and carbonero. Subsistence crops-corn, arracacha, bean, etc.-were also part of the habitat, breeding pigs and cattle, and sugarcane crops, which together constituted a culture of self-sufficiency and subsistence. All this was not possible without the presence of the family nucleus.
On the large properties, the relations of sharecropping with tenant families was important[22]. In times when having a coffee plantation was a matter of prestige for a dynamic and projected sector of urban traders, they were the ones who began to set up Agricultural Societies, which were nothing more than associations of capitalist and industrial investors, ready to invest in the border areas, in the boom of certain unused land policies, which allowed them to acquire the possession of state farms under the condition of having permanent crops, or even thanks to the low cost of land in border areas[23]. This practice could only be strengthened thanks to the families of tenants, with whom different relationships were established; either because it was a customary relationship, also called the "prevailing force of tradition" in the region, or because of the impact of state regulations on sharecropping during the 20th century.
The tabloneo, as it is
commonly known, is related to the system known in some parts as partija and in
others as compañía. The landowner
offers the area for sowing and supplies the seeds, the seedlings, the necessary
tools and utensils; and the partijero - locally known as a tablonero - does the sowing and
attends to the conservation of the crops -1000 to 3000 trees. The product of
each harvest is then divided between the landowner and the tablonero, under the previously
agreed conditions[24]. In other words, the tabonero is the one who under an
oral or written contract receives a coffee plantation or tablón to administer jointly with
the landowner[25].
Gonzalo Paris, who studied the geography of the
province of Tolima in the early 20th century, points out that this
system was a common practice in many coffee plantations, although it was with
certain variants[26]. The first one, when the farmer received a part of
the plantation- tablón-,
and took care of its collection, profit and washing, to then divide the produce
in half with the owner, who in turn assumed the expenses caused by the weeding
and clearing machines. This included the house to live in that the tablonero acquired, the possibility
to grow crops and to have domestic animals. There were other forms of
agreements. For example, when the batch of coffee was delivered to several
workers, who cared for it, then during the harvest they distributed the grain
collected each day and bought the coffee harvested from the owner at a
conventional local price. The third option was also given,
when the farmer received the land for the sowing of coffee trees until the
first harvest, agreeing a price with the owner for the number of coffee trees
planted, who paid them, and so on make a new arrangement that could be one of
the two variants mentioned above.
In any case, the "head of household" was
directly responsible to the landowner or his managers for issues related to
collection and money lending. The empirical evidence is very limited for making
a demographic analysis of this population, what we can notice is that for a
piece of land with 100,000 coffee trees, it would have been probable to have 40
or 50 families of tabloneros[27]. Very few women were directly responsible to the
administration, although, judging by the evidence, it
was almost always women who took care of the trees in times of tension. Wars
and conflicts led to the victimization of landowners and workers in coffee
zones. Recall that since 1870 the country lived through four civil wars (1876,
1885, 1895 and 1899), the longest and most decisive was the War of the Thousand
Days (1899-1902), various social movements and strikes (1930s), agrarian
reforms (1930s and 1960s), and the bipartisan violence that hit all these
regions (1950s and 1960s). Regardless of the previous phenomena or political
factors, the role of women was always decisive for the maintenance of permanent
family labor, with children and infants; but also of temporary situations, in
the case of recruiting migrant workers from other regions. Viewed from a
socio-labor and functional perspective, domestic work, self-consumption crops
or family farms or gardens, coffee harvesting, domestic animal husbandry and
biological reproduction of family labor typifies the work of tablonera women.
In the first decades of the 20th century,
when there were direct landowners-exporters, production relations supported by
the family nucleus had their golden age. They even allowed that the direct
administration of the landowner did not intervene in the hiring of temporary
labor, and on the contrary the relations of sharecropping were strengthened,
with great autonomy on the side of the tabloneros regarding
the means of production. Then the relations of subordination were patriarchal,
the labor codes were different, and the generosity of the landowner was mixed
with relations of patronage. It was also the golden age of Colombian coffee
cultivation in terms of its traditional production and the end of a dynamic
process that specialized the country in coffee. By 1937,
properties with labor and economic constraints had only one family working and
sharecropping. They represented, according to Dávila
only 1.5%, about 551 tenants, of the rural population of Líbano (Tolima). They were the social and labor base of the well-known " tablón system"
and they were also those who guaranteed not only the expansion of the crop, but
also its care, maintenance and harvesting from the beginning of its
popularization [28].
4. The Role of
Women
The coffee zones of the Central mountain range stand
out for the high immigration produced by the economic perspectives of the
process of expansion of the grain. In this space, the socio-cultural
homogenization should be considered, especially in Antioqueña,
but that converged with elements from the Cundiboyacence highlands, Cauca
and Tolima, among others[29]. The characteristic was the existence of a type of
family with a high level of procreation and certain features of religious puritanism.
However, in the unused border areas the presence of the ecclesiastical
institution is evident, the small property, the tablones, the subsistence crops and the little influence of
general economic crises on demographic phenomena offered the necessary security[30].
In this context, women stand out in their socio-family
environment for their domestic work and the procreation of the family
workforce, but also for the subordination of their role in the private sphere
of the home. However, they are also accused of a certain passivity regarding
the modernizing tendencies of those years, which is why women are singled out
for their religious culture and degree of illiteracy[31]. They were very active in the infinite labor of
domestic work, in a socio-cultural context, where the job of keeping the fire
alight, cooking, serving food and washing the dishes were defined as
exclusively female jobs. To this should be added certain patterns of behavior,
which were clear and defined for women of the era, judging by Manuel Mejía's behavioral manual and behavioral rules for women in
a traditional home[32]. They were customs and practices that mothers usually
did in the company of some daughter or daughter-in-law, in such a way that they
would be transmitted by way of custom.
In an agricultural culture of self-consumption, values around prosperity were different. The abundance of products and food, the number of coffee plantations, domestic animals and, finally, the prosperity of the family farms, determined the quality of life of the family nucleus, but also their participation in the work, as a feeder, collector or chooser. They participate in the production process in different agrarian structures specialized in coffee cultivation, but in a subordinate way. It is obvious that the landowner could also occasionally dispose of her work or even the feeding of temporary staff.
It should be noted that women's labor participation
varied according to the plantations and their eventual needs. For example, at
the beginning of the 20th century, a report by the British consulate
on the state of the coffee trade in Colombia indicates that the collection was
"carried out by women and children," who are "generally given
free food[33]."
Women were the protagonists in the times of coffee collection,
there they were known as the "chapoleras".
The plantation could
occasionally dispose of their work in specific tasks, but also as pickers in
the plantation, urban, state or private thresher, and as a "feeder"
of the temporary staff[34]. On the other hand, in
the peasant household, they were the support of the tablonero for the management of
the assigned coffee plantation. They were coffee collectors, feeders, and helpers in the raising and
feeding of domestic animals - pigs, chickens, turkeys; and they worked on subsistence
crops and the family vegetable gardens.
The evidence on the use of female and child labor in
the face the absence of male personnel was already pointed out. The National
Journal of Agriculture points out that the social conditions of women were
deplorable towards the 1920[35]s. There were those who considered that the cause
was due to their common-law status and because the family responsibility rested
on them. Misery and illness were their burden, not excluding intra-family
violence and oppression from men. The overwork and simultaneity of countless
tasks were their burdens.
In the 1930s the social
situation of women was more critical. Some farmers suggested making compromises
between landowners to "moralize" the plantations. For
example, through the exclusion of workers living in common-law situations, and
the provision of a reasonable time to legitimize unions or to vacate houses[36].
That high degree of exploitation was the same in the urban sector, as we shall
see later.
The above represents the intentions in different decades of landowners and institutions to improve the social conditions of rural women. The scope is unknown. In any case, differences and social responsibilities in the family environments changed and varied considerably inside of them or the same localities.
5. Small and medium properties On the other hand, in the medium and small properties, their work possibly had an additional stimulus, because not only did they have possession of the coffee lots, but also of the land itself. Land and tenure was the guarantee, as a mean of production, to have a large family in areas where the school dropout rate was excessively high at harvest time or where there was simply no such facility (figure 2).
Figure 2. Map of coffee harvests
Source: FNCC
The transformation of the rural sector and the
participation of numerous families in small and medium properties were evident.
Let us remember that around 1932 there were about 150 thousand coffee farms.
Most were small properties of less than ten hectares. Very different from the
5000 farms estimated to have existed sixty years ago[37]. The expansion of coffee from smallholders was
successful, without ignoring the prevalence in some areas of large plantations.
Small landholding was evident in coffee departments. Early as the middle of the
20th century, Guhl points out that 48% of
the national production was on properties that had 5000 trees[38]. But the social and cultural reality of the small
producer was very precarious.
The support of a small owner was his basket and children, or even if he had no land, the agreement with the owner of the coffee plantation. He walked in his feet bare and barely covered in clothing, so he was prone to attacks from intestinal parasites and mosquitoes. In the afternoon, he removed the skin and de-pulped coffee. The pulp remained on the floor attracting mosquitoes, or forming a slimy layer on the floor. Every day they took the coffee out in the sun to dry it or to store it depending on the winter. Every Saturday at dawn they went to the village by
a trail. The coffee farmer grabbed his ruana and cowhide
and headed to the village, cheerful and optimistic. In the village, he unloaded
with an intermediary - banker or developer -, who facilitated money for the
markets while the grain flourished. The custom was to buy tools, clothes and
salt on credit. The peasant did not always have the coffee dry, clean, blown
and without any dirt. Therefore, it was not always bought by the National
Federation of Coffee Growers[39] and he was at the mercy of the intermediary, who
then bought it much cheaper. This was the picture of most poor farmers[40].
Alongside the small coffee-growing plantations,
dozens of newly founded villages in the 19th century also entered the
market with some industrial vigor and became labor suppliers, some related to
the harvesting of grain in the rural sector on coffee farms, and others with
the semi-industrial phase, in coffee threshing machines.
A la par del minifundismo cafetero, decenas de pueblos recién
fundados en el siglo XIX también entraron con cierto vigor industrial y se
convirtieron en ofertantes de mano de obra, alguna relacionada con la
recolección del grano en el sector rural en fincas cafeteras, y otra con la
fase semi-industrial, en las trilladoras de café.
6. Urban sector: Female Pickers
Take the case of the Department of Antioquia, where we can better observe part of this phenomenon. Alejandro López points out that by 1913 in only 50 municipalities there were about thirty million trees[41]. The northern zone of the Department of Tolima, with villages mostly of Antioquian descent, likewise had millions of trees. The Department of Caldas and its municipalities saw the same phenomenon. What is evident in this context is that, along with millions of trees, threshing machines and commercial activities must have flourished. The statistical reports of Monsalve (1927, 271-275) indicate the existence of 42 threshers and 8,142 pulpers in 81 municipalities of Antioquia around 1927[42]. Fredonia and Medellin were the municipalities with the largest number, with a total of 22. In this context, there is an emergence of a salaried and female urban working class.
They were the "pickers", a new modality of workers. It is true that there was a demographic predominance of women with respect to men, which indicates that the predominance of proletarian women was also greater[43]. They constituted the majority of workers with respect to other industries. In the case of Medellín, they represented 34% of the urban working population by 1922[44]. It should be noted that it was a group that had to fulfill minimum requirements regarding its conduct, health, and previous union. The age limits could be between 15 and 50 years, and with it the warning that the use of child labor was not allowed, that it was generalized in the rural sector; but against which they were campaigning for its ban during those years.
It was a group with defined contractual obligations, which was not always in the rural sector, for those first decades of the 20th century. They participated in a labor regime, which had a hierarchical system of administration, which could include immediate bosses, directors, administrators or even representatives of the Local Council, as evidenced in the case of the municipality of Concordia (Antioquia) [45]. The "choosers" also had prohibitions in that regime, which was naturally related to any action or impediment affecting their work day, in addition to practices that could compromise peoples honor and the prohibition of tobacco[46]. We can imagine the potential of this group of workers, when coffee was the main wealth of the municipality with an estimated 1.4 million trees, which allowed a production of between 130 and 150,000 arrobas (12.5 kilograms) of coffee annually[47].
In any case, the level of exploitation to which women were subjected was equally high in the urban-industrial sector, in threshing machines and grain improvement facilities for export. These were the times when socialist ideas began to penetrate more strongly in proletarian sectors, and when the efforts of the Communist Party were oriented to the organization of the female labor force, tied to the urban coffee threshers, and to the demand for improvements in their wages and welfare[48]. Let us remember that in 1936 about 3,500 people worked in the threshing machines, and 85% of the workers were female choosers, working piecewise or for hours[49]. The only exception is the case of the Municipal Thresher of Concordia[50], where the obligation was to comply with eight-hours a day. According to Bergquist, the highest wage of the fastest picker did not reach the level of the average wage that men received for their work in urban industry[51]. The majority earned between one-half and two-thirds of that salary. Eduardo Santa also confirms that in Líbano the strongest unions were those of cobblers, slaughterers and female coffee pickers[52]. Their situation and labor exploitation reached such an extreme that the National Federation of Coffee Growers, through its manager Mariano Ospina Pérez, raised the need to improve the conditions of women, especially in the achievement of an equitable remuneration for their work, and a better deal in the plantations[53].
The circumstances and the different political-social factors tended to the organization of strikes of pickers, movements of tenants and later the episode of the so-called era of The Violence, which had as the coffee zones as their epicenter. It is clear that the characteristics were the expulsion of the family nuclei in potential zones of conflict, generating interregional migrations and "political displacements", or in the opposite case, the coexistence of families and their women with the actors of conflict: self-defense groups, guerrillas, bandits and military personnel.
Finally, by 1970, according to the coffee census, the coffee geography identified 315,000 coffee farms with an area of 4,500,000 hectares, of which 1,000,000 were planted with coffee. In that decade, the technification of coffee farming began, which also brought changes in the labor and economic habits of workers. Approximately 3.5 million people were engaged in cultivation, in addition to 1 million day-laborers who worked temporarily at harvest time. The truth is that coffee had until that moment cemented an authentic national economy and a rural labor culture that did not exist in the 19th century, where women and the family were the main guarantors of labor.
7. Conclusions
The above was a brief explanation of the conditions and mode of labor participation of women and families, where their socio-productive role was also essential. Coffee growing emerged and generated processes that allowed the consolidation of phenomena of agro-industrial exploitation and settlement. Evidence indicates that working conditions were deplorable and wages were low for women and the peasant family nucleus. Although they were characterized by achieving some identity around land tenure, coffee lots and work; during a certain time they were accompanied by the union function of the National Federation of Coffee Growers. Gatherers in the rural sector and choosers in the urban. In short, they were paid workers or low-wage workers, in a context where grain production, oriented to the international market, also represented a certain identity for the national economy and its producers.
The socio-political phenomena also had their impact, especially since they altered women’s habitat and socio-labor sphere, but they also evidenced their politicization or unionization, and consequently their visibility. Women likewise, on a global scale, also became present in the dynamics of modernization and emancipation at the beginning of the 20th century. But in reality, women were not as representative in terms of their status as owners or of having property rights over land, or even in legal relationships, a characteristic of sharecropping relationships. A question should be suggested for future research: What were their functions and changes in the technified coffee production phase? In a scenario where the tradition changed and therefore the type of socio-labor and productive relationships did as well.
Documental sources
Archivo Histórico de Concordia (AHC)
Concordia-Colombia. Decretos, 1942, Resolución N° 11, hoja 1.
Archivo Histórico de Concordia (AHC)
Concordia-Colombia. Municipio de Concordia. Tomo 227, “Fundación Concordia
Monografía”, 1947-1949.
El Cronista,
Ibagué, 4 de mayo, 1912.
Fondo Cultural Cafetero. Don Manuel. Mister Coffee. Tomo 1. Bogotá: s.e, 1989.
Gobernación de Antioquia. “De
trilladora municipal a parque educativo”, Medellín: Gobernación de Antioquia, http://antioquia.gov.co/index.php/prensa/historico/12192-de-trilladora-municipal-a-parque-educativo
(30 de octubre de 2014).
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To cite this article:
Renzo Ramírez Bacca, “Women in Traditional Colombian Coffee Growing, 1910
– 1970.”, Historia
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