Mujeres esclavas bajo la autoridad femenina: entre dóciles y rebeldes.

(Buenos Aires, Siglo XVIII)*

 

María Selina Gutiérrez Aguilera[1]

Departamento de Historia de América

Universidad de Sevilla

 

Reception: 24/05/2015

Evaluation: 16/06/2015

Approval: 20/10/2015

Research and Innovation Article.

 

 

Resumen

 

La investigación del presente trabajo se sitúa en el Buenos Aires del siglo XVIII. El objetivo que persigue es la indagación y examen de las mujeres que soportaron la condición de esclava en esta época bajo la autoridad de otras féminas y su relación con el contexto social y jurídico de la época en que vivieron.   

 

En primer lugar se analizará este sector poblacional desde un punto de vista cuantitativo, atendiendo a diversas características demográficas. Posteriormente, se procederá a examinar este conjunto social a luz de otra documentación, fundamentalmente de corte judicial, en la que aparecen interactuando.     

 

Estas mujeres conformaban un grupo muy heterogéneo de gran interés para la investigación científica, que además de soportar el yugo de la esclavitud, se vieron doblemente excluidas por su género. El referido cruce de fuentes ha permitido la aproximación histórica a este sector social, profundizando en su configuración al mismo tiempo que se propicia un conocimiento más íntimo de estos sujetos. Se ponen de relevancia ciertos aspectos referentes a su cotidianeidad, reafirmando la situación de vulnerabilidad en la que se hallaban, pero también como procuraron sortear los vaivenes a los que su condición les limitaba.  

 

Palabras clave: Mujer, Esclava, Jefa de hogar, Buenos Aires, Colonia.

 

 

 

Between obedient and rebellious: slave women under female authority. (Buenos Aires, 18th century)

 

Abstract

 

The research carried out for this paper is based in the city of Buenos Aires during the 18th century. The main objective is to inquire into and examine the situation endured by the slave women of the time under the authority of other women, and their connection with the social and legal context of the moment in which they lived.

 

First of all, this portion of the population will be analyzed from a quantitative standpoint, paying attention to diverse demographic characteristics. Afterwards, this social group will be examined in the light of other documents, essentially of a legal nature, in which they appear.

 

These women formed a very heterogeneous group with great relevance to scientific research. Not only did they bear the burden of slavery; they were additionally excluded because of their gender. The aforementioned cross-reference of sources, has permitted an approach to the history of this social group, going deeper into its formation as well as promoting a closer knowledge of its subjects. Certain aspects regarding their daily life are highlighted, confirming the situation of vulnerability in which these slave women lived, but also showing them to be strong enough to deal with all the problems they had to face because of their condition.

 

Key words: Woman, Slave, Head of the household, Buenos Aires, Colony.

 

Femmes esclaves sous l’autorité féminine: entre soumises et rebelles. (Buenos-Aires XVIIIe siècle)

 

Résumé

 

Cet article porte sur le Buenos-Aires du XVIIIe siècle et cherche à étudier des femmes ayant subi l’esclavage sous l’autorité d’autres femmes, ainsi que les rapports qu’elles ont établi avec leur contexte social et juridique.

 

D’abord nous analyserons ce groupe d’un point de vue quantitatif, en considérant diverses caractéristiques démographiques. Ensuite, nous examinerons ces femmes à la lumière d’une autre documentation, fondamentalement de type légal.

 

Il s’agit d’un groupe très hétérogène, d’un grand intérêt pour la recherche scientifique, car non seulement ces femmes éprouvaient le joug de l’esclavage, mais encore elles étaient doublement exclues à cause de son genre. Le rapprochement de divers types de sources nous a permis de comprendre la configuration de ce groupe ainsi qu’une connaissance intime des sujets qui le composaient. Nous remarquons certains aspects de leur vie quotidienne, en réaffirmant la situation de vulnérabilité où elles se trouvaient, puis leurs tentatives de relever les défis posés par leur condition.

 

Mots clés: Femme, Esclave, Patronne de la maison, Buenos-Aires, période coloniale

 

 

1. Introduction

 

Buenos Aires in the 18th century is presented as a suggestive scenario in which to delve into and carry out research from multiple historical perspectives. Throughout this century, the porteño territory experienced profuse changes that had an impact on the different social, economic, demographic and political structures, revealing a highly interesting context for the researcher,

 

 

Within the panorama mentioned, the analysis of the female population is presented as a   matter to go deeper into and reflect upon, for in the Hispano-American social context, women played a fundamental, although traditionally unknown, role as the protagonists of their time.

 

 

This text[2]  is set out in the framework of a more extensive research project, which deals with the study of the female figure as a whole. For the present work the objective is reduced to the analysis of the slave women who were under the authority of other females, giving the context researched a female perspective and observing the coexistence and/or co-habitation in the intimacy of the household.

 

                 

According to Dora Barrancos’ thesis, female historiography started gaining momentum in 1970, revisiting the sources and modifying concepts[3] that the more traditional historiography had left aside in favor of the geopolitical and economic aspects, the analysis of great events and, in effect, of a history made by men and for men. Thus, new bibliographical contributions arose in the 80s, which positioned themselves in the historiographical vanguard. In this new scenario, for the Hispano-American context, it is worth mentioning, in particular, the socio-historical contributions of Doctor Pilar Gonzalbo, who became an essential reference[4].

 

        

         In this sense and from a general perspective, the works carried out on the Rio de la Plata territory by researchers of the caliber of Susan Socolow[5]  or Silvia Mallo[6] are also of great relevance, for their publications, together with those of José Luis Moreno[7], which, among others, are part of the most outstanding historical work.

 

        

         It is necessary to make reference with respect to the studies regarding slavery, given the large amount of production. First, essential works, such as “Posibilidades y perspectivas para el estudio de la esclavitud en los Fondos del Archivo General de Indias” [8] (Possibilities and perspectives for the study of slavery in the Collections of the General Archive of the Indies)  by Enriqueta Vila Vilar, have to be mentioned. This constitutes a valuable guide to consult the sources dedicated to the study of said topic. On the other hand, “La esclavitud en la América Española,” (Slavery in Spanish America) by José Andrés-Gallego[9], makes a compendium about the slaves in the Hispanic monarchy by delving into all the aspects related to it. Finally, from a more concrete perspective, it is important to highlight the interesting work of historian Dora Dávila Mendoza[10] on the territory of Venezuela, given her theoretical-methodological contribution and the interesting documental corpus that she uses.

 

        

With regard to female slavery, the scientific profusion on the topic, not limited to the phenomenon or the trade, has been really valuable for historical studies. In these last few years, the number of scholars that have contributed to expand modern historiography with their novel revelations on female slaves, such as those carried out by María Eugenia Chaves[11].

 

        

 

         Historian Dora Barrancos carried out some work where she explores, in depth, the female figure in Argentinian history, more precisely in the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata, and she dedicates a part of said work to reflect upon women slaves[12]. In the same way, it is vital to highlight the research carried out by Dora Celton[13], Jaqueline Vassallo[14], Florencia Guzmán[15], and Marta Golberg[16]; for the case of Buenos Aires I will refer to some works of my authorship[17].

 

 

         Finally, the contributions made from Law History and legislative knowledge have to be mentioned. The works of historians, such as Jaqueline Vasallo, Viviana Kluguer or Mª Alejandra Fernández[18], whose contributions made through judicial sources deal with the topics of delinquency, violence, and conflict, have been worthwhile for Social History researchers and fundamental for this work.

 

        

Taking as reference this excellent historiographical background and starting from the Social history approach, through the use of this methodology it is intended to cover the whole of the historical reality, delving into the population studies, the history of the family and every-day life, focusing at all times in the female figure and in particular, the slaves. For this reason, this research is intended to be faced from the conjugation of the quantitative and qualitative approaches, which give the topic dealt with a complete meaning and that realistic evidence is presented so as to give grounds to this research.

 

        

         The group of women who belonged to the slave strata constituted a very important number to take into consideration for the social and historical analysis of 18th century Buenos Aires. So, it is relevant, to contextualize the situation through a demographic view of the proposed topic. From a quantitative point of view, there has been an exhaustive study of a relevant source, given the information about the female figure, such as the Padrón de Ciudad and Campaña de Buenos Aires (City Registration System and Buenos Aires Campaign) collected in 1744[19]. Each of the women who appear in the registration system were recorded in order to make an estimation of the number of slaves who lived in the area. There is also information about them, such as age, ethnic group or number of children. This is some of the explicit and implicit data that the source offers us.

 

        

The records were created through databases that allowed for the interrelation of the different fields that appeared in the document. The resulting information is examined through statistic and demographic tools, in order to later interpret the results from the view of Social History.

 

         On the other hand, the qualitative perspective is vital. It is carried out through the constant cross-referencing of numerous sources found in the documental repositories, especially in the General Archive of the Argentine Nation, in Buenos Aires. In this sense, the methodology applied is that of case study, using a branch of Social History which is Micro-history.

 

        

         It is worth mentioning that the individuals that were subjugated to slavery were considered the property of their masters, attending the social and legislative norm. However, it is not adequate to presuppose that such indifference completely annulled them as individuals. In reference to this, it is important to highlight that the sources document numerous events in which slaves are shown as the main characters in them, interacting in society, not only with their peers, but also transgressing the prominent strata.

 

         The amplitude and disparity of sources contribute to a greater rigor in the final results of this research; the documents that, from their excellence, mention this unknown reality are the judicial files. This type of document is of great interest to begin historical studies regarding the feminine gender, being that which refers to matters related to women slaves, which is of interest for the present work. In the sources used many events can be observed where there are conflictive situations in which women are the victims, for example in what refers to the abuses and ill-treatment they were exposed to in some cases even beyond what was tolerable at the time. The violence that is detectable from the reading of the documents shows different ways of inflicting violence, sexual, power abuse, etc., putting together the violence inflicted not only upon women, but especially on women considered to be inferior.

 

It is of utmost interest to observe these figures, not only as the receptors, but also as guilty agents of the events. This novel view comes to project a more defined image about these women, who lived beyond the limits of what was accepted. This contribution, far from limiting to label them as beings who lack human capacity, who are docile and submissive, portrays them as active creators of their circumstances, at least up to where the limit was unbreakable. Even when it is true that the legal framework discriminated against them, it was also useful for those who knew how to take advantage of their scarce opportunities in order to for them to rise to a better position.

 

2. Brief approximations of the female slave population and their environment

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                        

        

Buenos Aires began the 18th century as a traditionally marginalized territory of the Spanish Crown, with all that this implied. However, in the mid-18th century there were multiple changes that had repercussions in the social, economic, and demographic system, abandoning the century as a flourishing and prosperous capital, from the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata in 1776. The society turned out to be dynamic, of great social mobility and ethnic variety.

 

 

It is a reality that the transformations that take place in any area nurture the different factors to favor the slow but sure permutation of the fundaments of its system and the circulation between the different ruling sectors. Although, in the case of Buenos Aires, and by extension the Hispano-American territory, the metamorphosis that the century brought about created a revolution in some of the structures, so, at the time that the great columns that supported the weight of the fundamental principles on which these communities were based, there was a fight for them to be kept unaltered.

 

 

The social structure of the New World, heterogeneous and monolithic[20], followed the system transplanted from the metropolis to the territories of the empire, and that was based on the hierarchical and patriarchal model. The cultural categories related to an economic-social order are based on racial, social and gender inequality and the inequity in the organization of family patterns and kinship[21].

        

José Luis Moreno makes an allusion to the family as “the constitutive cell of every social entity, as the essential source of the socialization of individuals and as a propelling engine of the individual initiatives of men and women[22].” This model was based on the authority of the father of the family, who had the power to decide over the future of the members of the household, for he had the responsibility to care for the spotless honor of his family, as in conjunction with the socio-economic position and kinship; these constituted the most appreciated values of the social system.

 

 

Within this social context, the role that women played was essential for the social balance to be maintained. They were the basis on which the hierarchical pyramid rested, for any behavior out of the norm was seen as a threat by the Church and the ideological and cultural structures[23]. Furthermore, the state shared those fears, as its stability depended to a great extent on it. On the other hand, the discrimination that had taken place in the territory gave women certain flexibilities and relative freedoms which are worth analyzing.

 

        

The woman was seen as the depository and the one in charge of transmitting the family legacy, vital to the eyes of society in order to maintain a position of prestige and honor. The lack of honor was not considered in the same way for men and women. In a society where “appearing” was privileged over “being”, Ann Twinam indicates that the loss of family reputation could occur if their faults were evidenced in public. However, should they be hidden in order to be acknowledged in private, the individual and the family could maintain their public prestige[24].

 

 

 

From the same traditional order that the Spanish implanted in America, the legal condition of women was derived. Women received the same legal incapacity that, due to their gender, the women of the Peninsula through the Royal Fuero, the Partidas, the Toro Laws, the Nueva recopilación and the legislation dictated by the Spanish kings until Carlos IV, had been assigned. Thus, implementing Castilian law, the rules and customs tending to control and order female behavior, in public as well as in private law[25], were put into force.

 

        

         Susan Socolow affirms that it is not surprising that it was thought that women in the Spanish Colonial society were inferior beings simply because of their condition as women, which already put them in an inferior position. Although women had certain legal rights, limited of course, the obstacles were so many that for the porteñas there were only three options: getting married, remaining a spinster, or becoming a nun[26].

 

         The de jure reality, however, did not lead to the absolute annulment of women, as in the documentation available it is shown that despite the scarce level of action, the sector of those women is presented as avant-garde, attempting within their possibilities, to fight against a situation that was not favorable for them. Thus, “one of the ways that women had to question the family project that had been imposed on them was by confronting their rights and obligations, faculties and prerogatives, before the justice. [27]”

          

 

         Clearly, the delimitation that was imposed over their privileges varied depending on the type of woman[28]: indigenous, creole, slave, etc. In a world where honor was the quality that defined this distinction, common women had very little to lose. If they kept their reputation in the home or through an adequate company in public places, the least favored were, on the one hand, forced to go out to work and, on the other hand, to “exchange their honor” for a marriage that was convenient for their families, and this did not make sense either. It is not that they were not concerned about it, but it is true that the only belonging of value that by birth they could have and use in the best possible way was their chastity; nevertheless, social control did not have the same weight for them nor did it suppose them to be virtuous. The women of the masses mainly formed of slaves and mulattos, pardos and free zambos, were labeled as “sexually promiscuous, lazy, and thieves.[29]”

        

In this society of acknowledged and enhanced inequality, if a woman was socially and legally limited[30], the situation of the women slaves is understood to be the most pitiful of all. The slave woman was socially stigmatized for her “hungry and lustful sexuality,” as much attractive to as condemned by the white man. At the same time, the female slave was considered to be a sexual object, putting her on the same level as a prize for other men, for example, when she was offered in marriage to a slave in exchange for loyalty and the services rendered[31].

 

 

These women were ostracized from history until the first research works on slavery took place and, after these, the first studies regarding black, slave families, which allowed for an approximation to the prominence of the woman slave as a historical subject with an identity of her own[32].

 

Due to its geographical situation and, later on, to the development that it experienced during the 18th century, Buenos Aires became a port that received a large flow of the

slave trade. Fradkin and Garavaglia state that among the goods that arrived in the port, one of the most relevant ones were the slaves. According to the French book entry between 1702 and 1714, there was a contribution of 3500 black people and in the English book entry, between 1722 and 1738, some 10500, of which 25% would remain in Buenos Aires. Although there is not much information about the next period, historians affirm that from 1777 onwards “the slaves formed a substantial part of the trade, especially those who resulted from new licenses (some of them adjudicated to neighbors of Buenos Aires) and of the trade with neutral countries during the European wars.” Finally, they consider that the interruptions derived from the Atlantic war in 1796 “gave life to a trade that originated in the Rio de la Plata, frequently, in locally built ships, which reached, during the time that the conflict lasted, relatively important proportions.[33]”

 

         The price that the slaves reached in the market depended on numerous factors, such as their behavior, skills, age, and physical state. Although age and sex determined the real price, age and health were essential. In this line, for women there were differences in their prices. In the 18th century, some valuations or slave sales, allowed for the realization that there was a slight difference in the value of the slaves with regard to their gender; male slaves being slightly more expensive than female slaves. On the other hand, the sale of women who had children, as a package, was a common business while the slave practice lasted[34].

 

         With respect to the black population, mostly located in slave trade areas, in the most recent works on the Rio de la Plata, there difficulty in reconstructing the families. It was a population that was not regarded by society, so registering their events, or doing it correctly, was not a priority. Here lies is the difficulty in carrying out research when it comes to finding sources.

 

History demographics allow us to approach, on a relatively accurate basis, the family structures, and they relate to economic or political circumstances[35]. In the territory we are studying, the prevailing demographic pattern was the high general and child mortality rate[36]. From population studies, it is possible to analyze the female figure through censuses and population records. Thanks to these censuses, the analysis of domestic organization, the processes of house mobility and the importance of family ties can be analyzed. “This is a basic source and a starting point in the study of the family. The knowledge of the composition, structure, size, activity and work force has this type of research work as its almost exclusive reference. [37]“

 

For all the above, these types of sources are ideal for the study of women, as long as the obligation of registering was within the reach of the whole of the population, which actually depended on the aim of the registration of data (fiscal, for recruitment, gun control or knowledge and state of the population)[38]. When the objective was recruitment, for example, relying on this source is pointless.

 

         Despite being an excellent source for the study of households, which was the natural environment for women, on the other hand, women were sometimes not registered as men were; it depended to a large degree on the will of the person registering the information. In the case of women slaves, the indifference is even more noticeable, as will be seen later, in some records they are just given a number, but no other information is given.

 

        

The source used in order to carry out the present study has been the census of 1744[39], in order to find out the real number of women we were going to deal with. This census was a useful tool to see society from an socio-economic point of view, and it demanded the enrolment of all the neighbors who had to give information about their name, family name, age, origin, profession, number of family members, marital status, or ethnic group[40], among others. The choice of the source is relevant because, on the one hand, it is considered the most complete of the registers carried out in the first half of the 18th century[41] and, on the other hand, it is the only one that places special interest in giving more substantial and precise information in the registering of data related to women. It is right in the mid-18th century when this collection of data was carried out. At this point, big changes were taking place, and the area was experiencing a great economic and demographic boom, which is of interest to observe.

 

        

It is of special interest, given that the information is registered by the head of the household, male or female, as a fundamental part of this work is the analysis of women who were the heads of households who had female slaves under their command.

 

        

However, the lack of said sources is also understandable, for it is a snapshot of a moment that has to be completed with other sources. It was left to the mercy of the person in charge of recording the information and how thorough they were, such as in the case of our source, which unfortunately, was incomplete.

 

The number of inhabitants counted in the records is 10,056 inhabitants for the urban area and the suburbs; but in that account the priests, members of the military, elected officials and their families are not included; and the Jesuits are only mentioned to indicate that they were property owners. Lyman Johnson and Susan Socolow have corrected said number and estimated a more realistic figure of 11,600 inhabitants[42].

 

 

 First, there is a thorough account of all the households or houses that appear in the census resulting in a total of 994 houses, which are sub-divided when necessary based on the number of rooms, inhabited by different families, depending on the main family. Thus, approximately, 37% of the units were managed by female heads of household, not a small percentage for the parameters of the time[43].

        

        

With a special interest in the people registered, and following the quantitative precisions of Johnson and Socolow, around 22% of the population in 18th century Buenos Aires were under the authority of women. If 37% of the households were managed by women, when putting this information in quantitative terms, the percentage of female heads of households over the total of the population is scarcely above 3%. However, if the comparison is made over our population, they constitute almost 15% of women who held that position.

 

        

The total population on which this study is based is constituted of 56% females and 44% males. According to the ethnic group and following the source, it is possible to observe the approximate female distribution in the following table.

 

                                  Table Nº 1: Women according to their ethnic group

 

Ethnic group

Percentage

White

25%

Dark, Brown and mullata

10%

Mestiza

2%

Native

2%

Black

6%

Asian

0,5%

No information

54,5%

                                            Source: Census of Buenos Aires, 1744. Elaborated by the author.

        

 

In these households, a population of casta women is registered. However, as it can be observed, there is a majority category denominated “no information, and that unfortunately is a constant when cross-referencing different types of information. The reason could be that the people being registered did not want to be ascribed to a particular ethnic group so there was no record of it and this could facilitate their aspirations to ascend the social ladder or in other cases it was the result of the negligence of the census taker.

 

Among the multiple aspects to highlight regarding the non-white women population, it is interesting to mention their condition as heads of households, a situation that has not been researched in depth and is of great interest[44]. Taking into consideration their ethnic group, without forgetting that it was a determinant for the position of a woman who was head of a household and that white women were considered superior, it is observed how the socio-economic position and the ethnic condition determined the type of housing and economy of the household. The economic resources and the social estimation that white women had, was not the same for all women. In the following graph, it is possible to see that the larger percentages are shared between white women and “not specified,” followed by brown and mulatta, mestiza, black, and native. It is logical to think about the castas, with less resources, on many occasions did not have another choice but to “add themselves”[45] to other houses, becoming heads of household in their restricted and subordinated contexts.

 

Graph Nº 1: Classification of heads of households according to ethnic group.

 

 

                                   

                                                           Source: Census of Buenos Aires, 1744. Elaborated by the author.

 

        

Taking into account the slave population registered, it supposes that they make up 18%. Out of the five hundred slaves registered, 48% of them are women and 52% are men. The female slave population we have worked with is 9% of the total.

 

 

 

Leaving the “not specified” percentage aside, evidently, most of the women slaves were under the authority of a white head of household. However, there are some relevant cases in which the slaves were able to reach that position. In the records, there is a house in which two mulattas, Nicolasa, 30 years old, and Josefa, 40 years old, “who said they were the property of Don Matías,” shared the position of head of household in a small house. Aurelia Cavanillas, from Córdoba[46], was also added.

 

 

On the other hand, in the records, there is also evidence of women heads of households who, although they were not slaves at that moment, they had been so. For example, “a shack made of hay that belongs to a black woman called María, now free, once a slave of Melchor Domínguez, and single. [47]”

 

          

 

Leaving aside the anecdotal cases, there were women who more frequently were head of household, being the leaders of their groups under the roof of their owners or outside of their houses. There is a register of 6%. For example, in the case of Tomasa, the mulatta slave of Pedro Espinosa, who lived in the house of the mulatta Gabriela Aguirre and had another one called María Rosa, who is free, and there is a boy she has under her care. In that way, she was the Head of Family under the authority of a mulatta Head of Household[48]. The case of a mulatta called Ana is also worth mentioning; she lived with her four children and was head of family, under the shelter of Doña Rosa Gutiérrez, head of household[49].

 

In order to be able to analyze female slavery according to their ethnic group, the following graph can be observed, where it is clarified that most of them were black, followed by mulatta, and a remaining 3% of non-white ethnic groups.

 

        

 

 

 

 

 

 

                         Graph Nº 2: Female slavery according to their ethnic group

            

 

               

                                                      Source: Census of Buenos Aires, 1744. Elaborated by the author.

 

 

 

In order to understand correctly the reach of this data, it has to be contrasted with the relevant data of each sector. Of the total of the black population registered, 92% are slaves, the rest of the total of the black population appear as “not specified” or “free.” From the black people, 60% are women, like María, who was single and now free, but had been Melchor Dominguez’ slave[50].

 

From the total of the mulatto population, 53% were women and the remaining percentage were men, and 20% were slaves. As regards the other ethnic groups, we can highlight the case of a brown slave, married to a mason, son of Antonia Jacome, brown, free, and a widow[51].

 

 

 

Finally, the largest percentage is the feared “not specified.” With regard to the specific study of slave women, there is a great number of cases where, when naming an individual, there is no other specification than his or her condition as a slave, for example “the black slave of Doña Dominga Romero. [52]”

 

 

It also has to be added that black slaves could not only be the property of whites, but also of members of other ethnic groups, as is the case of the “slave María Teresa, property of Ana de Laurriaga, brown and a widow. [53]”

 

 

As regards age groups, it is important to highlight that the youngest slave registered was 4 years old, a girl called Elena, and the eldest was 70, a black woman called María, both slaves, both women, and the most curious even, they both lived in the same household[54]. With respect to María, there is a concept of solidarity to point out that prevailed throughout that time, despite the dark deeds that this society sometimes demonstrated. It is especially visible in the case of slaves who were very old or sick and they were mainly aggregated by the heads of household[55].

 

With respect to the other age groups, the percentages are minimal, the only one that is worth reporting is the one where age is not specified, though they are adults, and represent 43% of the total.

 

 

In what refers to other considerations, such as their place of origin, as it was expected, in 100% of the cases, the information is missing. As regards family composition, in most records they appear as members of large families or variants of them, it is logical, given that their presence in the household determined this typology[56].

 

 

Finally, with respect to work occupations, in most cases, just saying slave did not require any further specification. On other occasions, there appear figures such as “their personal work” or “their work,” which does not clarify the activity. Fortunately, in some households the tasks they carried out were specified, for example: seamstress, kneader, washer, and worker in the farms.

 

        

It has been intended to carry out a brief approximation to some of the statistical and demographic data that describe the female and slave population of the time. It is essential to do further research to constitute more complex groups and patterns with the aim of expanding the current knowledge.

 

 

3. Slave women and their relation with the social and judicial context.

 

         In order to carry out studies on a larger scale, it is vital to resort to other sources that bring about a more qualitative perspective and describe the data, humanize the figures, and observe the characters of the past within their historical context. From this approach, which completes the above and taking microhistory as a starting point, it is required to analyze sources of varied natures, mainly judicial files.

 

         Within the spectrum of realities that the documents show, it is intended to focus on those that, in some way, make reference to the master-slave relationship, no matter the type of link they had, adding, at the same time, other files that show the realities lived by women slaves in the time and space researched.

 

        

Most of the sources studies describe situations in which women had to face ill treatment and abuse. There are disparate situations registered, the most attractive for analysis being the cases brought to the authorities by them and those in which the lawsuits brought before the metropolitan justice prospered by giving them sufficient consideration, sometimes even denying the reason to their mistresses. Despite legal disparity and strong marginalization, given their few rights, the slaves sought legal capacity and together with other women of caste took advantage of their rights within the limits of obligation and restriction, overcoming the obstacle of their own realities. This use of the law is seen as a strategy to seek protection, make their rights visible or improve their situation and that of their families in an attempt at social ascension.

 

        

As it has been mentioned, slaves were fundamental pieces on which the class-based configuration of Hispano-America rested and it had its grounds in the model implemented by the Spanish, who were the key guardians of the intertwining of prestige and socio-economic appearance continuing to be profitable for the social apex. On the other hand, if women were secondary characters, being a woman and a slave put together two requisites to be considered of the lowest social condition, as to their discrimination due to their gender was added their ethnic condition and the position they had in the society. In the mid-18th century, the ethnic group and the social status of a person went hand-in-hand.

 

 

The judicial sources offer relevant information for historians. It is well understood that the researcher is supposed to leave behind prejudice and abstain from getting involved in the cause, making an analysis from an objective point of view and presupposing certain deformations of the realities expressed by the different subjects[57].

 

        

 

Given their situation, slaves could be victims of different forms of violence, frequently they appear as passive subjects and it is common to find disputes over the slaves in the documents, as is the case of “Don Dionisio Almirón against Don Pablo Lázaro Beruti for the latter to give him back a mulatta slave that was his property,[58]” in this case the slave “has difficulty asserting her rights.”

 

A very common documental typology is the masters’ denunciation of the flight of slave women, such is the case of the claim imposed by Cipriana Bárbara[59] where she expresses that “a black slave called Juana went from the colony to Real de San Carlos, and she demanded that the slave was returned to her,” the verdict of the justice was “overruled”.  This case took place in 1778, at the end of the century and at this point the justice was more protective of the slaves.

 

A profuse typology can be carried out based on the gravity of what has been narrated, for example, the cases of flight. In this sense, there were also slaves that rather than disappearing and leaving their environment, decided to appear before the justice and claim their freedom, for example “Ana María, black slave of Don Lucas Infante[60].” She asked for the freedom conceded by her master before dying “for her good services and care” to be respected and that for diverse reasons she could not yet enjoy.

 

 

Slaves in general, female slaves in particular, given the type of domestic chores they carried out, very close to the family, were seen, on occasions, as almost members of the same unit. Slaves did not live only in violent environment, they were at times protected by their masters, we should not forget that their defense many times hid other reasons from which the owner would obtain a benefit. Following this idea, it is pertinent to mention the case of the criminal lawsuit of Don Pedro Ferreira versus Vicente Escudero for attempting to kill a slave. This is probably the case that registers the highest level of sexual violence. In 1787, when Pedro Ferreira[61] presented a civil and criminal lawsuit against Vicente Escudero as “with little fear of God or respect for the justice he had carried out criminal excesses,[62]” for Escudero followed the mulatta slave of the claimant, María Bentura “with the intention of killing her, which he would have done if it had not been for Don Antonio’s interference and used other attributes to hide her and give her an excuse for leaving. [63]” It is added that this is not the only persecution that María Bentura is the object of “for afterwards and for that reason, it had come to his attention that Escudero had asked her to marry him, however, as she was already married he had persecuted her with threats that he would kill her. [64]”

 

        

 

But women slaves were not all submissive and passive subjects before the deeds of injustice narrated, some were also active. Two positions could be described: their rebellious predisposition to generate tactics to overcome their problems or improve their situation and their participation in minor criminal activities, even transgressing social behaviors, in which often there was a background of countless atrocities.

 

        

The files that deal with cases related to honor are also relevant. Social consideration was minimal, as among equals there were few behavioral norms that were the same as in other strata, adjusting the limits. For example, a black slave called Ana María filed a complaint against a black slave who asked her to wed and did not fulfill his promise[65].

 

 

One of the cases of greatest interest is the one that unraveled due to the will of the well-known Negra María. This woman managed to buy her freedom and her own house, with the help of her master with whom she had a very good relationship. When María died, she left all her patrimony to her children and 25 pesos of their matrimonial assets to her husband “in case there was any money left” after paying for her funerals and fulfilling her last wishes. The problem was not that she had left a will, as many black people and slaves had the custom of doing so as is proved by many historians, but because of the situation that took place afterwards, as a legal fight was unleashed which involved the most important lawyers of Buenos Aires at the end of the 18th century[66].

 

        

With respect to the women slaves who could no longer endure slavery and did not hesitate to appear before the justice, there is the case of María Ignacia Nogales[67], the brown slave of Don José García Martínez, who appears in court to inform that after the demise of her mistress, Doña María Nogales, with whom she had an excellent relationship, and who had freed her son Juan Pedro, “for the many services received due to her illnesses and old age[68].” She complains that the executor of her mistresses will has her son in his house deprived of the most basic needs, for example clothes, and he suffers from ill-treatment, which does not allow him to complete his training as a shoemaker. She requests that “in virtue that my son is a free man and that I am his mother, that he is put under my care, so he learns more about the shoemaker trade, and by working he can dress decently, and that he helps me in the way that he did with our deceased mistress, for I kept her with my personal work, as she was an old and ill person, and I wish to start paying for my freedom[69].” In view of this, it was determined that her son’s freedom was true and the person who was keeping him had to give him back.

 

In the family environment, disputes were a constant, especially the ones related to married couples. However, it has to be taken into consideration that violence in the marriage was not exclusive to low social strata and slaves, for there are records of this in all social groups. The case of Rosa Herrera and her husband is particularly interesting. They filed a complaint with contradictory statements, for which she was finally put in prison as she had a licentious life according to her husband’s petition and “for not wanting to have a life with him.[70]”

 

Silvia Mallo thinks that the increase in the afro descendant population in the 18th century was responsible for the rise in social tension and insecurity in the streets. She affirms that “cruelty and ill-treatment were part of slavery” [71] and that apart from the violence of the system and the ruling sectors in the face of crimes committed by slaves, not only were the cases ignored at the time, but they also transform the diversity of crimes into a form of resistance to the system and the master, on their way to seeking freedom[72]. Social prejudice and slave practices did not help to calm the environment. Violence could reach the most extreme extents, as can be certified in the case of Dominga, a black woman who stabbed her mistress to death[73]. While exposing these realities it is possible to make up a social profile of the least known historical agents.

 

 

Conclusions

 

The study of slave women is an investigation of the utmost importance in order to recuperate the female figures who were most ignored by traditional historiography. The need to cross-reference sources of a diverse nature is clear, so as to approach these types of studies, given that many of these documents show gaps for works of a socio-historical type, as the register of the slaves, without distinction of gender, was related to economic reasons.

 

         The demographic data contains surprising information on how slave women were heads of the households or of their families on their own and how only with the resources they had at hand in addition to their own effort, they could carry their families forward despite the obstacles they faced. Connections should be made with the documental examples collected, in which actions of great interest are observed.

 

         On occasions, they did not have anything more than their own work. It is for this that their dimension of hard-working women and their detailed study is of the utmost interest to create a full profile of the women of the time.

 

         But in order to approach the topic of women, we should first leave aside all kind of preconceptions. It is true that the ethnic group, social position and freedom were essential values when establishing the social mosaic that determined which were the working sectors, but they are not the only ones.

 

         Throughout this work, we have tried to show through objective data how the figures of these women had a more representative role than the one that they had so far been given and, to this end, it has been analyzed from different perspectives.

 

         The vulnerability of their situation and the weak position of many women, whose own honor was not even valued, as a consequence of their status, contrasts with the image of others who did not hesitate to make their rights felt in the legal plane, appearing before the justice to act in the legal issues they were permitted to take part in, defending themselves and their families, and procuring social improvement, as well as the defense of their honor, although that honor was not sufficient to mix with high-society families.

        

In the documents collected there are testimonials of cases that signify a micro scale approach, but given that these are documented, it is not farfetched to think to what extent these practices were constant. The historian has to set himself the challenge of discerning to what extent and how there was a leap to a macro scale, that is to say, in what way they inserted themselves in a wider social context.

 

 

         To conclude, it is valid to point out that in some of the cases studied, especially in those at the end of the 18th century, it is possible to see a certain sensitivity towards the “inferior women” in the legal resolutions, as well as towards women in general, possibly being the start to the path that led to the abolition of slavery and the struggle for female and racial rights.

 

Documentary Sources

 

Archivo General de la Nación Argentina de Buenos Aires (AGN). Buenos Aires-Argentina. Sala IX, Cabildo de Buenos Aires. Correspondencia con el Virrey, 1790-94.

 

Archivo General de la Nación Argentina de Buenos Aires (AGN). Buenos Aires-Argentina. Sala IX, Criminales.

 

Archivo General de la Nación Argentina de Buenos Aires (AGN). Buenos Aires-Argentina. Sala IX, Escribanías.

 

Archivo General de la Nación Argentina de Buenos Aires (AGN). Buenos Aires-Argentina. Sala IX, Solicitudes civiles.

 

Archivo General de la Nación Argentina de Buenos Aires (AGN). Buenos Aires-Argentina. Sala IX, Sucesiones.

 

Archivo General de la Nación Argentina de Buenos Aires (AGN). Buenos Aires-Argentina. Sala IX, Tribunales.

 

Archivo General de la Nación Argentina de Buenos Aires (AGN). Buenos Aires-Argentina. Sala IX, Tribunales Administrativos.

 

Documentos para la Historia Argentina, t. X: Padrones de la ciudad y campaña de Buenos Aires (1726- 1810), Padrón de la ciudad y campaña de Buenos Aires de 1744. Buenos Aires: Peuser, 1955.

 

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Celton, Dora Estela. “Fecundidad de las esclavas en la Córdoba colonial”, Revista Junta Provincial de Historia de Córdoba, núm. 15 (1993): 29-48.

 

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Gutiérrez Aguilera, Mª Selina.  “Mujeres trabajadoras: la subsistencia en el Buenos Aires del siglo XVIII”. El futuro del pasado, núm. 3 (2012): 67-90.

 

Gutiérrez Aguilera, Mª Selina.  “Mujeres agregadas en el Buenos Aires del siglo XVIII: caridad y solidaridad”. Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos, (octubre 2012): 1-13. [En ligne], Débats, mis en ligne le 02 octobre 2012, consulté le 10 mai 2015. URL: http://nuevomundo.revues.org/64111; DOI: 10.4000/nuevomundo.64111.

 

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Vassallo, Jaqueline. “Castas, honestas, viles y malas”. Anuario, núm. 10 (2007): 493-505. http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar/Argentina/cijs-unc/20110618041948/anuario-CIJS-X.pdf

 

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* This article is the product of the study made in the framework of the Doctorate Thesis. In it, carried out in the Department of American History of the Universidad de Sevilla (Spain), women in Buenos Aires of the 18th century are analysed.

[1] Bachelor’s degree in History and a Masters in American Studies from the Universidad de Sevilla. Studying a Doctorate in American History and is Honorary Assistant in the American History Department of the Universidad de Sevilla. Professor in Courses for Foreign Universities of the Faculties of Philology, Geography and History of the Universidad de Sevilla and Researcher in Training and Scientific Secretary of the Permanent Seminar on Families and Social Networks: Ethnicity and Mobility in the Atlantic World, since its foundation. mgutierrez12@us.es

[2] It constitutes the presentation of part of a set of doctoral research projects, this being the section of most recent study.

[3] Dora Barrancos, Mujeres: entre la casa y la plaza (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2012), 7-8.

[4] See: Pilar Gonzalbo Aizpuru, Familia y orden colonial (Mexico D.F.: El Colegio de México, Centro de Estudios Históricos, 1998) or Pilar Gonzalbo Aizpuru, Educación, familia y vida cotidiana en México Virreinal (Mexico, D.F.: El Colegio de México, Centro de Estudios Históricos, 2012).

[5] The work of Susan Socolow, Los mercaderes del Buenos Aires Virreinal: familia y comercio (Buenos Aires: Ediciones de la Flor, 1991), vital to understanding the porteño socio-economic context.

[6] Among her most recent work, we can find: Silvia C. Mallo, “El Virreinato del Río de la Plata a fines de la Colonia: Conflictos, Convivencia e Integración”, in La sociedad colonial en los confines del Imperio. Diversidad e identidad (siglos XVI-XIX) (Córdoba, Argentina: Centro de Estudios Históricos “Prof. Carlos S. A. Segreti” and La Plata: CHAyA, 2010), 35-58 o Silvia C. Mallo, La sociedad rioplatense ante la justicia: 1750-1850 (La Plata: Historical Archive of the Province of Buenos Aires “Dr. Ricardo Levene”, 2004).

[7] As an example, is cited: José Luis Moreno, Historia de la familia en el Río de la Plata (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2004).

[8] Enriqueta Vila Vilar, “Posibilidades y perspectivas para el estudio de la esclavitud en los Fondos del Archivo General de Indias”, Archivo Hispalense: Revista histórica, literaria y artística book 68: No 207-208 (1985): 255-272.

[9] José Andrés Gallego, La esclavitud en la América española (Madrid: Encuentro; Fundación Ignacio Larramendi, 2005).

[10] Dora Dávila Mendoza, La sociedad esclava en la Provincia de Venezuela, 1790-1800: solicitudes de libertad-selección documental, (Venezuela: Universidad Católica Andrés Bello, 2009).

[11] Consult María Eugenia Chaves, “La mujer esclava y sus estrategias de libertad en el Mundo Hispano colonial de finales del siglo XVIII”, Anales, No. 1 (1998): 91-118, among others.

[12] Dora Barrancos, Mujeres en la sociedad argentina, una Historia de cinco siglos (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2007).

[13] Dora Estela Celton, “Fecundidad de las esclavas en la Córdoba colonial”, Revista Junta Provincial de Historia de Córdoba, No. 15 (1993): 29-48.

[14] Jaqueline Vassallo, “Esclavas peligrosas en la Córdoba tardo-colonial”, Dos Puntas, Año IV, No. 6 (2012): 199-217.

[15] Florencia Guzmán, “Representaciones familiares de las mujeres negras en el Tucumán Colonial. Un análisis en torno al mundo doméstico subalterno”, en Poblaciones históricas. Fuentes, métodos y líneas de investigación, Research series, 9 (Rio de Janeiro: ALAP, 2009), 403-426.

[16] Marta Golberg, “La población negra y mulata de la ciudad de Buenos Aires, 1810-1840”, Desarrollo Económico vol. 16, No. 61 (April-June 1976): 75-99.

[17] Mª Selina Gutiérrez Aguilera, “Mujeres trabajadoras: la subsistencia en el Buenos Aires del siglo XVIII”, El futuro del pasado, No. 3 (2012): 67-90.

[18] See: Viviana Kluguer, Escenas de la vida conyugal. Los conflictos matrimoniales en la sociedad virreinal rioplatense (Buenos Aires: Editorial Quorum, 2003); Jaqueline Vassallo, Mujeres delincuentes. Una mirada de género en la Córdoba del siglo XVIII (Argentina: Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, 2005), and María Alejandra Fernández, "Las razones de la violencia y la fundamentación del castigo: una aproximación a las formas de acusación y de defensa en la justicia criminal colonial" (Buenos Aires, 1776-1810)", in Formas de Historia Cultural (Buenos Aires: Prometeo-UNGS, 2008).

[19] Documentos para la Historia Argentina, t. X: Padrones de la ciudad y campaña de Buenos Aires (1726-1810), Padrón de la ciudad y campaña de Buenos Aires, 1744 (Buenos Aires: Peuser, 1955).

[20] Susan Socolow, Los mercaderes del Buenos Aires Virreinal…, 11.

[21] José Luis Moreno, Historia de la familia…, 17-18.

[22] José Luis Moreno, Historia de la familia…, 13.

[23] José Luis Moreno, Historia de la familia…, 39-45.

[24] Ann Twinam, Vidas públicas, secretos privados. Género, honor, sexualidad e ilegitimidad en la Hispanoamérica colonial (Buenos Aires, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2009), 105-106.

[25] Jaqueline Vassallo, “Castas, honestas, viles y malas”, in Anuario No 10 (2007): 493-494.

http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar/Argentina/cijs-unc/20110618041948/anuario-CIJS-X.pdf

[26] Susan Socolow, Los mercaderes del Buenos Aires Virreinal…, 49.

[27] Viviana Kluguer, “El proyecto familiar en litigio. Espacios femeninos y contiendas conyugales en el virreinato del Río de la Plata, 1776-1810”, in Historia, género y familia en Iberoamérica (siglos XVI al XX) (Caracas: Fundación Konrad Adenauer, Universidad Católica Andrés Bello e Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, 2004) 209-239.

[28] Jaqueline Vassallo, Castas, honestas… 493-494.

[29] Jaqueline Vassallo, Castas, honestas… 505.

[30] For the study of the legal condition of women in the Americas, see Jaqueline Vasallo Mujeres delincuentes,… 29-62.

[31] José Luis Moreno, Historia de la familia,… 45.

[32] Sivia C. Mallo, “Mujeres esclavas en América a fines del siglo XVIII: una aproximación historiográfica”, en El negro en la Argentina: presencia y negación (Buenos Aires: América Latina, 2001).

[33] Raúl Fradkin and Juan Carlos Garavaglia, La Argentina colonial. El Río de la Plata entre los siglos XVI y XIX (Argentina: Siglo Veintiuno, 2009), 91.

[34] Norma Angélica Castillo, “Mujeres negras y afromestizas en Nueva España”, in Historia de las Mujeres en España y América Latina. El Mundo Moderno vol. II (Madrid: Cátedra, 2005) 585-589.

[35] Pilar Gonzalbo Aizpuru, “Familias y vida familia. Aproximaciones a la historia de la familia en México”, in Dimensiones del diálogo americano contemporáneo sobre la familia en la época colonial (Murcia: Edit.um, 2009), 29-56.

[36] José Luis Moreno, Historia de la familia…, 17-18.

[37] Francisco Chacón Jiménez & Pablo Rodríguez, “Padrones”, in A través del tiempo. Diccionario de fuentes para la historia de la familia (Murcia: Universidad de Murcia, 2000), 147-148.

[38] Francisco Chacón Jiménez & Pablo Rodríguez, “Padrones”…, 146.

[39] Carried out in the city. Campaign authorized by Governer Domingo Ortiz de Rosas so as to find out the state of the population and that of the sector that was entitled to carry weapons.

[40] Susana R. Frías, César A. García Belsunce y Sandra Olivero, “La evolución de la familia en Buenos Aires en los siglos XVII y XVIII”, in Seminar on Changes and continuity in American demographic behaviours: the five centuries’ experience (Córdoba: International Union for the Scientific Study of Population, 1998), 1-15.

[41] Sandra Olivero Guidobono, “Hogares femeninos en el Buenos Aires colonial”, in Familias y relaciones diferenciales: Género y edad (Murcia: Edit.um, 2009), 37.

[42] Lyman Johnson and Susan Socolow, “Población y espacio en el Buenos Aires del siglo XVIII”, Desarrollo Económico vol. 20, No 79 (1980): 330-331; Lyman Johnson, “Estimaciones de la población de Buenos Aires en 1744, 1778 y 1810”, Desarrollo Económico vol. 19, No 73 (1979): 107-109.

[43] See, among others, Bárbara Potthast, Madres, Obreras, amantes… protagonismo femenino en la historia de América Latina. (Madrid: Iberoamericana, 2010), 174-189.

 

[44] See: Gutiérrez Aguilera, Mª Selina, “Las mujeres jefas de hogar en el Buenos Aires Colonial”, Temas Americanistas No 25, (2010): 26-54. The data has been improved and expanded in the present work.

http://institucional.us.es/tamericanistas/uploads/revista/25/SELINA-GUTIERREZ.pdf

[45] For more information: Sandra Olivero Guidobono, “Ni propietario ni conchabado; agregado. Fuerza laboral y solidaridad en la familia rural rioplatense: el Pago de la Costa a mediados del siglo XVIII”, in Estampas familiares en Iberoamérica. Un acercamiento desde la Antropología and la Historia (México D.F.: CIESAS, 2010), 199-226.

[46] Documentos para la Historia Argentina…, 410.

[47] Documentos para la Historia Argentina…, 496.

[48] Documentos para la Historia Argentina…, 449.

[49] Documentos para la Historia Argentina…, 417.

[50] Documentos para la Historia Argentina…, 496.

[51] Documentos para la Historia Argentina…, 345.

[52] Documentos para la Historia Argentina…, 345.

[53] Documentos para la Historia Argentina…, 369.

[54] Documentos para la Historia Argentina…, 408.

[55] See Mª Selina Gutiérrez Aguilera, “Mujeres agregadas en el Buenos Aires del siglo XVIII: caridad y solidaridad”, Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos, (October 2012): 1-13. [On line], Débats, mis en ligne le 02 octobre 2012, retrieved on  10 May 2015. URL: http://nuevomundo.revues.org/64111; DOI: 10.4000/nuevomundo.64111.

[56] For the study and family classification the typology of Peter Laslett was adapted to the Argentine situation. Peter Laslett, “La historia de la Familia” in Historia de la familia, Antologías Universitarias, Nuevos Enfoques, en ciencias sociales (Mexico: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, 1999), 34-70.

 

[57] Viviana Kluguer, “El expediente judicial como fuente para la investigación histórico-jurídica: Su utilidad para el estudio de la historia de la familia colonial iberoamericana”, Passagens  No 1 (2009): 1-15.

[58] “Don Pablo Lázaro Beruti filed a lawsuit against Don Dionisio Almirón for the latter to return his mulatta slave,” General Archive of the Argentine Nation (Buenos Aires) (AGN, by its acronym in Spanish), Room IX, 23-06-02, Administrative Court, Record 14. File 433, 1804.

[59] “Request by Cipriana Bárbara”, AGN, Room IX, 12-09-04, Civil Requests, Book 1, Letters A-B, 1778.

[60] “Ana María, black slave who belonged to Don Lucas Infante, on her freedom,” AGN, Room IX, 35-03-05, Court, Record 21, File 20, 1784.

[61] “Criminal lawsuit filed by Don Pedro Ferreira against Vicente Escudero, for trying to kill a slave”, AGN, Room IX, 39-08-04, Court,  280. File 27.

[62] Ibídem.

[63] Ibídem.

[64] Ibídem.

[65] “Criminal Case against Simeón, black slave of Manuel de Basavilbaso, due to the word of marriage that he gave Ana María, black slave,” AGN, Sala IX, 32-01-05, Criminal, Record 8, File 1, 1774.

[66] Notary Boyso. Protocol 5, AGN & AGN, Inheritance 8418. Case widely studied by Maud de Ridder de Zemborain, “El testamento de la negra María”, Todo es Historia, No 512, (March 2010): 6-15.

[67] “File promoted by María Ignacia Nogales (black woman) regarding her son named Juan Pedro, whom Don José Antonio Segovia has at his service”, AGN, Sala IX, 23-06-07, Tribunales Administrativos, Record 19, Expediente 618.

[68] Ibídem.

[69] Ibídem.

[70] “Request Rosa Herrera”, AGN, Room IX, Cabildo de Buenos Aires. Correspondencia con el Virrey, 1790-94.

[71] Silvia C. Mallo, “El color del delito en Buenos Aires 1750-1830”, Memoria & Sociedad 7, No. 15 (20013): 114.

[72]Ibídem.

[73] “Against Dominga, black woman, for stabbing her mistress”, AGN, Room IX, 32-01-01, Criminal, Record 3, File 7, 1761-1763.