Bárbara
Yadira García Sánchez[1]
Universidad Distrital Francisco José de
Caldas-Colombia
Javier
Guerrero Barón[2]
Universidad Pedagógica y Tecnológica de Colombia
Reception: 24/05/2015
Evaluation: 19/06/2015
Approval: 05/10/2015
Research and innovation article.
Resumen
El presente artículo tiene por objeto reflexionar
sobre la historia del campo familiar contemporáneo y sus cambios desde la
revolución de los jóvenes en 1960 hasta la primera década del siglo XXI y las
relaciones de violencias al interior del campo familiar. Se tomaron conceptos
teóricos y metodológicos que permitieron la contrastación entre varias épocas a partir
del presente hacia situaciones del pasado, siguiendo el hilo de los conflictos
micro-sociales que se expresan tanto como violencia filio-parental como la
violencia entre hermanos, analizadas como tipologías de lo que se ha denominado
violencia intrafamiliar. La reflexión teórica se apoyó en algunos planteamientos
de Pierre Bourdieu sobre la violencia simbólica, la reproducción y específicamente
sobre las estrategias de reproducción en el campo familiar, dando mayor énfasis
a las estrategias de inversión simbólica, éticas y educativas. Los datos que
soportan el artículo fueron tomados de las bases de datos de dos proyectos de
investigación sobre violencia escolar en Bogotá en el período del 2009 al 2015,
que arrojaron un campo de datos sobre familia y violencia que permitieron la
elaboración de este texto.
Palabras clave: Campo familiar
contemporáneo, relaciones de violencia, violencia filio-parental, violencia
entre hermanos.
1.
Introducción
Analyzing
the family and the relationships of violence that arise within Pierre
Bourdieu's field theory allows the understanding of it as a social space in
which the agents: fathers, mothers and children in specific positions, dispute
a symbolic capital and share a series of rules and norms that have been
instituted in theory but which have been modified by contemporary social
changes.
The most visible and most studied expressions of
intra-family violence have historically been related to parental abuse and
violence between spouses[3] as a by-product of patriarchal culture and paternal
domination. In the contemporary family field, other types of
violent relationships between their agents, such as children to parents and
between siblings, need to be analyzed and understood.
From the last half century onward, since the youth
revolution in the 1960s[4], fundamental changes have taken place in the
contemporary family, both in the relations of authority evidenced in the new
legal frameworks and in the family structure; such changes generating new
meanings in interpersonal relationships that are often expressed through
violent relationships.
According
to Bourdieu, the field is understood as:
[...] a network, or a configuration of objective
relationships between positions. These positions are objectively defined in
their existence and determinations imposed on their occupants, agents or
institutions, by their present and potential situation (situs) in the structure
of the distribution of types of power (or capital) whose possession orders the
access of specific advantages that are at play in the field, as well as their
objective relationship with other positions (domination, subordination,
homology, etc.) [5].
This familiar field in the contemporary world has been
reconfigured by elements such as: a) The emergence of new family forms that
have allowed the re-positioning of agents: fathers, mothers, sons and
daughters; B) Changes in the conceptions of authority that has distributed
power among its members, c) The new social and legal status of minors as
subjects with rights; and d) The relationships of violence that reproduce
themselves in this area. To understand this family field associated with the
relationships of violence that are generated in contemporary times, we will analyze only two typologies: child to parent violence or the
violence exerted by sons and daughters towards their parents or adult
caretakers, and violence between siblings[6], to see how this child and juvenile population -
which has been re-positioned in the social and family space as subjects with
rights and duties - can manifest expressions of violence motivated by
confusion, uncertainty, the need for recognition and the fear caused by the exercise
of their new social position and the new approach towards authority. We affirm
that, to the extent that social positions change, functions also change,
generating relationships that can be expressed through violence until they
self-regulate, or the constraints necessary for their control occur, but this
process takes long periods of time, as in the socio-cultural constraints that
were built to control the paternal domain associated with expressions of
violence.
This work was supported by the
consultation of the database built from the execution of the project:
"School violence in Bogotá: An overview from teachers, families and young
people[7]," and: "School
violence, Neighborhood environments and Urban insecurity.[8]" Theoretical and
empirical records were taken corresponding to the family scenario organized
from the bibliographical review and the field work carried out in Bogota during
the years 2009 and 2012, through the formation of Social Education Units (NES,
by their acronym in Spanish) with parents of families in five educational
institutions[9]. In addition, the archives of
three Family Commissions belonging to the same sectors as the investigated
schools were reviewed.
Family violence is
becoming more visible because of its repercussions and connections with other
forms of micro-social violence and the possibilities of focused preventive
strategies that can be implemented from these. It is not to say that in other
times it did not occur, but that there is more legal and social involvement and
there are more registration mechanisms. Framed in the field of private life,
violence was naturalized, tolerated and justified within patriarchal
structures. Today, changes in legislation that result in changes in the
assessment and reconfiguration of the status of each member of different family
forms have made day-to-day violence something that is not tolerated, but rather
proscribed and sometimes penalized.
The first consideration
answers the question of what happens from one generation to another: does the
violent family history of one subject reproduce itself in the next generation?
In this regard, Diaz-Aguado supported by Kauffman and Zigler considers
that:
Studies
on the characteristics of adults living in families in which violence occurs
indicate that their own family of origin was also often violent. There is
sufficient evidence to allow children's experiences of abuse to be considered
as a risk condition, which increases the likelihood of problems in later
relationships, including in this sense those established with their own
children and with their partner. It should be made very clear, however, that
the transmission of abuse is not inevitable. Most people who were abused in their
childhood (about 67%) do not reproduce this problem with their children
(Kauffman and Zigler, 1989) and abuse in adult life also occurs in people who
were not abused during their childhood[10].
According to the above
quotation, being exposed to violent relationships in childhood is a risk rather
than a determination; the subjects mistreated in infancy do not necessarily
reproduce this type of relationship with their partners and children because through
different processes of self-reflection, reflexivity, education or therapeutic
supports, these experiences can take on a different meaning.
Some predisposition
factors of intra-family violence as in the case of conjugal violence are found
in the prior history of violence present in the families of origin of one of
the partners. For example,
Studies
conducted in Brazil, Cambodia, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, El
Salvador, Spain, the United States, Indonesia, Nicaragua and Venezuela found that
mistreatment rates were higher among women whose husbands had been beaten as a
child or had witnessed their mother being beaten. Although men who physically
abuse their spouses often have a history of violence, not all children who
witness or are mistreated become adults who mistreat others[11].
However, while exposure
to violent events in childhood is a risk for the learning of violent behavior
through imitation, it is also possible that such learning can be modified or
reframed if children are offered the tools to analyze and understand these
expressions:
In several behavioral studies, it has been shown that
children imitate observed violence, although violent behavior can be inhibited
if the consequences of such violence are shown, especially if the people that
children regard as role models are those who suffer the consequences[12].
In the contemporary
family field, violent relationships continue to be expressed through
transmission, learning and reproduction through the work of inculcation and
socialization, but this does not mean that it is a mechanical action, nor that
it is reproduced in the same way, on the one hand, because the family field is
dynamic and has undergone countless changes especially since the second half of
the twentieth century where the positions of the agents (fathers, mothers and
children) have changed, power has been redistributed and women , children and
adolescents have occupied different places in the social space. On the other
hand, because according to Bourdieu, cultural and social reproduction is not
governed genetically like the reproduction "of the pelican that lays eggs
which always hatch into identical pelicans, but it can be said that the more
systematic the efforts of the father to make the son homogeneous to him the greater
the chances of the son rebelling against the father[13]."
We understand this
argument as the immanent possibility of all human beings to change according to
the contexts in which their life takes place and this is demonstrated by the
new dynamics of the contemporary family, new ways of relating and new ways of
expressing their motivations in spite of remaining exposed to the traces of
patriarchal relations, that is, when the focus of the relationships of
authority are mediated by the domination of the father. The relationships of
domestic violence, although they persist in the social and cultural context are
not always the same because their motivations, their methods and their meaning
are transformed according to each historical and situational moment.
3. Family learning and symbolic violence
Learning in childhood is
obtained in the 'first education' or 'family education' that according to
Bourdieu and Passeron "is the education that is acquired in the
relationship of the child with the mother mediated by childcare and preceding
the relationship with the school[14];" this learning
system is carried out through a "pedagogical work as a prolonged action of
inculcation[15]." What is acquired
in this first education is a "certain cultural capital and a set of positions
with respect to the culture[16]." Different types
of capitals such as the symbolic, the internalized cultural and the social are
acquired from the family universe as a kind of heritage that the subject is
then able to reproduce, modify or re-signify.
Si bien, el
acceso a estos capitales se obtiene desde la primera infancia son otros campos
y espacios sociales los que se encargan de su desarrollo, como por ejemplo “la
educación difusa: que tiene lugar en el curso de la interacción con miembros
competentes de la formación social en cuestión (un ejemplo del cual podría ser
el grupo de iguales); la educación familiar; y la educación institucionalizada
(ejemplos de la cual pueden ser la escuela o los ritos de pasaje)”.
Although access to these
funds is obtained from an early age, other fields and social centers are
responsible for their development, such as "diffuse education: that takes
place in the course of interaction with competent members of the social
formation in question (an example of which could be the peer group); family
education; and institutionalized education (examples of which may be school or
rites of passage)[17]."
However, underlying diffuse education, family education and institutionalized education is the form of inculcation through Pedagogical Action, which involves specific forms of symbolic violence:
All
Pedagogical Action (PA) is objectively a symbolic violence, while imposition,
by arbitrary power, is a cultural bias (...) every PA, whether this PA is
exercised by all educated members of a social formation or group (diffuse
education), by members of a family group to which the culture or social class
of a group confers this task (family education), or by the system of agents
explicitly designated for this purpose by an institution directly or
indirectly, exclusive or partially educative (institutionalized education) or
that, unless expressly specified, this PA is intended to reproduce the cultural
bias of the dominant classes or the dominated classes[18].
It is not possible to
think of pedagogical action (PA) in any social space without its necessary link
with pedagogical authority which requires autonomy to be exercised[19]. But this stated
autonomy of both parents as well as teachers to exercise the PA with the
necessary AuP has been affected by Colombian modernity for one part: a) by the
fact of sharing that authority between the family and the school from the
emergence of the republican school that limited the pedagogical authority of
parents and conferred it on the public school teachers as of 1819, b) by the
changes in the new types of families that have been reconfigured from the
second half of the twentieth century, such as the nuclear, extended, single
parent[20], polygenetic[21], and unipersonal family,
among others, changing power between parents, redistributing functions and
transforming family universes making them more complex, c) by exercise of the
authority that has radically transformed from a patriarchal authority to a
paternal authority shared between father and mother to another with a parental
responsibility approach with specific functions of accompaniment, autonomy and
freedom, and d) because since 1989 the status of boys, girls and adolescents
was radically transformed as subjects with rights in compliance with the principles
of the signing of the Convention on Children's Rights[22].
This means that in the
contemporary family field, its structures, relationships and functions have
been modified and that all the agents that comprise it have rights, parents,
children and adolescents; therefore, the relationships of authority have become
more leveled and the links have been tempered while progress is being made
towards building relationships, where violence is explicitly limited each time.
Even so, family violence continues to be present, but not in the same way as in
previous centuries, that is to say that which emanated from the structures of
patriarchal culture.
We consider it important
to raise the issue of the social reproduction of violent relationships from
within the familiar context, considering that the family is the main subject
and object of said reproduction.
For this, we rely on the
formulation of Bourdieu's concept of 'social reproduction' who analyzed the
meaning of the 'strategies' of such reproduction. Consequently, he considered
"strategies" to be "sets of actions ordered in pursuit of more
or less long-term objectives, and not necessarily posed as such, that members
of a collective such as the family produce[23]."
In
this sense, he considered different strategies of social reproduction such as
biological investment strategies, succession strategies, educational and
ethical strategies, economic investment strategies, strategies of symbolic
investment and strategies of reproduction and habitus dispositions[24].
Para el caso particular de esta reflexión, consideramos útil apoyarnos
en las estrategias de reproducción social, educativas y éticas, de inversión
simbólica y las de reproducción y disposiciones de habitus.
For
the particular case of this reflection, we consider it useful to support
ourselves in the strategies of social reproduction, educational and ethical,
symbolic investment and those of reproduction and habitus dispositions.
As for educational and ethical strategies, these
"tend before everything to produce social agents worthy and capable of
receiving the inheritance of the group. This is especially the case with
'ethical' strategies aimed at inculcating the submission of the individual and
their interests to the group and its superior interests; thus, they play a
fundamental role, ensuring the reproduction of the family that in itself is the
"subject" of reproduction strategies[25].
Las estrategias de inversión simbólica:
Symbolic investment strategies:
They are all the actions that aim to preserve and
increase the capital of recognition (in the different senses), favoring the
reproduction of more favorable schema of perception and appreciation to their
properties and producing actions susceptible to positive appreciation according
to these categories (for example, showing strength without having to use it). Sociodicea strategies, which are a
special case within this type, aim to legitimize domination and its foundation
(that is to say, the kind of capital on which it rests), making them more
natural[26].
Finally, the reproduction strategies and
provisions of habitus, have as a principle, not a conscious and rational
intention, but the provisions of the habitus that spontaneously tend to
reproduce the conditions of their own formation. Since they depend on the
social conditions whose product is the habitus - that is, in differentiated
societies, on the volume and structure of the capital possessed by the family
(and its evolution in time) - they tend to perpetuate their identity, that
which is differentiated, maintaining gaps, distances, relations of order; thus,
they contribute in practice to the reproduction of the complete system of
differences constituting the social order[27].
These
types of strategies allow us to understand the rationale that structure, from
the family field, the relations that historically have been associated with the
violence produced from the very exercise of the functions of the agents that
constitute the field, especially fathers and mothers of families. For example,
educational strategies are associated with the need to form worthy, moral,
ethical, virtuous, educated, good citizens, although often these strategies are
associated with violent relationships. And these strategies in our tradition
were generally aimed at achieving subordination and punishment with a
fundamental objective: obedience or, in Bourdieu's words, the basis of
strategies of symbolic domination.
In
practice, since 1989, with the signing of the Convention on Children's Rights,
and already entering the 21st century with the issuance of the Code on Children
and Adolescents, strategies are changing with the emergence of new functions
for the family and with changes in the "parental responsibility"
approach, which replaced the notion of authority that was the certainty from
which parents and teachers founded relationships with children and adolescents,
introducing an era of uncertainty and confusion. The crisis is caused by the clash
between new norms and culture based on traditional uses of authority,
discipline and the normalization of children and adolescents, especially
considering that it is still in force in our tradition, to associate authority
with obedience, subordination and punishment[28].
For
their part, the ethical strategies that intend to inculcate the submission of
the individual and their interests to the group, have been carried out
primarily through relationships of domination with high doses of symbolic,
emotional, physical and verbal violence.
Associated with ethical strategies, we find those
of symbolic investment, which seek to preserve and increase recognition
capital, legitimizing domination; to understand them it is necessary to
consider the scope of patriarchal culture and the political, social and
cultural conditions that for centuries shaped the domination of paternal power
over the entire population and the enormous doses of violence that this usually
meant in private life imposed by the father on women, children, and young
people, in a naturalized and customarily accepted manner.
One
of the basic functions of the family is the socialization by means of which the
meanings of the cultural world in which it is born are transmitted to the
younger population; in this transmission, the status quo is perpetuated and
with it the differences of class, organization, marginalization and specific
forms of perception and representation. In this sense, reproductive strategies
and habitus dispositions allow the intergenerational transmission of
symbolisms, dispositions and forms, to understand position and relate to the
social world in a specific way, imposed on us from our own culture and
specifically from the family. These strategies constitute the fundamental
fabric of symbolic violence based on belief or perceptual schemes, as Bourdieu
puts it: "in the dispositions of the habitus[29]."
It
is precisely the reproduction strategies and habitus dispositions that allow
social relations to be perpetuated, and in this particular case, violent
relationships in the micro social spaces.
The perpetuation of social relations rests almost
exclusively on the habitus, that is, on socially instituted dispositions
through methodical strategies of educational investment, which incline agents to
produce the continuous work of sustaining social relations […][30].
The
social reproduction of violent relationships in domestic contexts is based
mainly on the strategies of formation, socialization and education; the
function of these reproduction strategies is basically the maintenance of the
order of these social relations.
The functions of social reproduction were
assigned exclusively to the family: to form, to educate and to socialize, but
modern times introduced other modes of social reproduction such as "the
mode of reproduction with an academic component[31]; "with the inclusion of this new mode, the
functions of the family and of the school apparatus were intermingled, confused
and propagated, bringing as a consequence transformations in the basic exercise
of authority, of dominion and paternal power, allowing for the redistribution
of powers and social status.
The 'new mode of social reproduction', that is to
say, the student, assumed for themselves some strategies that were once
exclusive to the family, and therefore reproduced the strategies of symbolic
investment and with them the framework of symbolic violence with the consent of
the family: those of domination, exclusion and maintenance of the status quo.
From the configuration of the academic field and the reproduction of the of
violent relationships in this social space, the culture of the West, understood
as 'Western Christian civilization' has needed for at least two centuries to
control the practices that lead to its use.
Bourdieu raises an excellent question, in our view unresolved, about
“the effects of the transformation of the mode of
reproduction on the functioning of the family as the instance responsible for
reproduction and, conversely, the effects of family transformations (for
example, the increase in divorce rates) on the operation of the mode of
reproduction with an academic component. Is this family crisis linked to
transformations of reproductive strategies that tend to reduce the need for the
domestic unit? [32]”
Since
the second half of the twentieth century, there has been a qualitative advance
in the understanding of the functioning of the family field, studies are yet to
be carried out that show how the transformations of social reproduction
strategies, both in the family mode as well as in the academic mode are
mutually affected by their interconnectedness of functions and relationships of
interdependence.
In
this sense, it is fundamental to understand the transformations of social
reproduction in the face of new contemporary family forms and their
implications on social reproduction, educational, ethical, and symbolic
investment strategies, and the reproduction and dispositions of habitus. We
consider that the transformations in the family mode of reproduction directly
affect the transformations in the mode of academic reproduction and vice versa.
Not surprisingly, the humanity of the West is assisting the return of education
to the family through the educational movement called "Free Education"
or "Homeschooling[33],"
which indicates the dynamics of social change that family and education are
capable of generating in only two centuries of educational modernity.
In
any case, contemporary family forms, in their diversity, continue to be the
subject of most reproduction strategies. Each of these family forms transmits
and reproduces the social order through educational, economic, symbolic and
other strategies which make it necessary to explore through new studies.
However,
contemporary family forms function as a body and as a field and in them it is
possible to observe the internal power struggles for domination, changes in
social positions and the maintenance of relationships of force that are no
longer only a domain of masculinity, although this force continues to manifest
itself through symbolic and physical violence but with less intensity than in
previous centuries and with new motivations according to socio-historical
change.
We could consider child to parent violence as a new expression of relationships that manifest deep discomfort among sons, daughters, fathers, mothers or adult caregivers in contemporary times.
Child
to parent violence has been defined as "repeated behaviors of physical
violence (aggression, shoving, pushing, throwing objects), verbal (repeated
insults, threats) or non-verbal (threatening gestures, breaking sentimental
objects) directed at parents or the adults who take their place. Excluded are
isolated cases, related to the consumption of drugs, severe psychopathology,
mental deficiency and parricide[34]."
This type of violence is a manifestation of the transformations in the power
relations between parents and children who find a way to resolve tensions
through physical, emotional and verbal aggression. In Colombia, the National
Institute of Forensic Medicine (INML, by its acronym in Spanish) has registered
this type of violence as the mistreatment of the elderly and in 2008
denominated it as 'elder abuse syndrome', since then: "1,175 people over
60 were physically assaulted by family members. For this population, the most
frequent perpetrators are the children, followed by other relatives[35]."
In this article, we will assume this syndrome as a manifestation of child to
parent violence.
Child to parent violence
reproduces the dynamics of relationships within the familial context in which
the son or daughter is immersed, in the sense exposed by Norbert Elías:
"The individual human being lives and has lived since they were small,
within a network of interdependencies that they cannot modify or break at will,
but only when the structure of this network allows[36]." These
relationships of violence show the fact that they have been exposed to the
transformation of the role of protective parents, caregivers or educators into
perpetrators, who, under specific cultural patterns, have given new meaning to
expressions of violence, such as considering violence as an educational
strategy, of obedience, of formation, of discipline, of assuring respect and of
maintaining order.
In such cultural
contexts, "violence takes on devastating characteristics when the act of
violence is re-labeled (" This is not violence, but education "). Its
effect, for example physical pain ("It does not hurt you that much"),
is denied. The system of values is
redefined ("It's for your own good" or, "I do it because you
deserve it"). The roles are mystified ("I do it because I love
you"), or the agent position is redirected ("You're the one who
forces me to do it[37].")
Once the children learn
how these relationships work, they tend to reproduce them with their parents or
with others, as learned and culturally accepted and tolerated ways of behavior.
As an example, a mother in an educational institution in Bogota explains that
one of her biggest problems is verbal aggression from her children, but
considers that she herself uses this form of relationship to educate her
children as a way to discipline them and exercise control and authority and to
prevent her children from repeating what she has done. The mother states that
she was mistreated by her 12-year-old daughter in the same way that she was by
her husband[38]. That is, the mother
turns to verbal violence as an educational strategy and as a symbolic
investment strategy, but these relationships are reciprocated back to her from
the daughter, in expressions of violence that when learned are reproduced
without the possibility of any re-signification so far.
Looking at other
contexts, we find, for example, that a study carried out in the Basque country
on child to parent violence showed that "80% of the children who had
suffered or observed incidences of intra-family violence had a claim for
assaulting their parents. This result supports the theory that children adopt tactics
experienced by their parents, and very few adopt tactics which are not learned[39]." When violence is
the result of family strategies to maintain order or to convey authority, it is
very difficult for children and adolescents not to reproduce them; even so, in
the course of events in one's life it is possible to assign new meanings to
these stories and generate new relationships where violence is not present.
In the contemporary
social and legal context, children and adolescents who have been victims of
intra-familiar violence find different alternatives to either reproduce the
circle of violence or to break it. Within the reproduction of the circle we
regard child to parent violence to be one of its most perverse manifestations,
'an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth'; the other alternative is on the side
of the complaint as evidenced by the new social sensitivity that rejects
violent relationships especially against children and adolescents and that is
reflected in the New Code of Infancy and Adolescence of 2006 in Colombia. Both
mechanisms, child to parent violence and the denunciation of violent
relationships are unacceptable to parents and caregivers insofar as their
authority and domination are questioned. When children use the same methods of
violence with their parents or when they denounce their educational methods,
parents are de-legitimized and their position is distorted, believing
themselves to be victims of their own children in the majority of cases.
The aforementioned Basque
country study found that 56% of young people denounced for violent behavior
towards their parents lived in family organizations different from the original
nuclear family[40]. This makes us think
about the complexity of relationships that a child should assume when his or
her original nuclear family is changed and they must enter another as in the
case of polygenetic families[41], especially if they
allow violent relationships within them. In the case of Bogota, we have the
complaints made in the Family Commissions that corroborate it[42].
Graph
N°1. Poligenetic family and child to parent violence
Mother
38 years
old 1st union Husband
44 Son 22 Son
17 2nd union Husband 33 Daughter
12 Son
8
Source: Family Commission, Locality of Santa Fe. 2008.
In the case indicated in
figure 1, the 17-year-old who assaults the father of the family, lives with his
mother and her second husband and the siblings from this second relationship.
This young man manifests the childhood memories he has of his step-father when
he says:
"I do not consider
him my dad because since I was little I saw that he only mistreated my mother,
him coming home drunk and insulting her. My mom had to leave the neighborhood.
On the day of the incident he hit me so I hit back, because he was the one who
started it, he also kicked me and I responded and kicked him back[43]."
The
highest age frequency in which children assault the parents is 17 years. This
phenomenon occurs in all social classes. The family forms of greatest social
risk are those of single parent and polygenetic, although cases are also
recorded in nuclear families[44].
The
Family Commissions of Bogotá report cases of child to parent violence between
stepchildren and stepparents:
[...]
she states that her 12-year-old step-child has a rude attitude and is rude to
her; the situation with the minor appeared in the last few days because the
father recently brought him to live in the house. The situation reached a point
where the boy physically assaulted her, insulted her, said bad words, and
yesterday the boy took a knife and tried to assault her[45].
Grandparent
caregivers can become targets of violence by their grandchildren, as expressed
by a grandmother who denounced her 17-year-old grandson for physical assault:
"There
have been many conflicts with my grandson and the problem comes from a long way
back because he got used to taking money, I'm working and he stays at home and
goes through my things, I work selling cell phone minutes, in the last conflict
I asked him for something and he grabbed my arms and squeezed me very hard that
left me with a mark from a ring and he pushed me back, he also treated his
mother like that[46]."
In general, children,
stepchildren or grandchildren who express violent relationships toward their
caregivers, manifest other types of associated problems as in the present case
such as theft, and in others, poor academic performance, mistreatment of peers,
substance abuse and an early link to delinquent groups.
In
the configuration of relationships of violence between children and parents or
adult caregivers, there are many factors such as "violence within the
family, substance abuse, frustration and emotional disturbances. The regular
consumption of mind-altering substances can increase verbal aggression of children
towards their parents by 60%[47]."
One mother relates: "I have conflicts with my 17-year-old son because he
is a drug user, he chases me with a razor telling me that he is going to kill
me[48]."
The regular consumption of substances in young people alters not only the
parental relationships but the network of social relationships in which they
are immersed becoming an important element of social risk.
It
is necessary to clarify that although this article approaches the changes in
the contemporary familiar field and the violent relationships that are
generated there from a social perspective, we cannot ignore the contributions
of other disciplines such as psychoanalysis to understand the subjective
configurations at the core of family life. Therefore we return to the
contributions of Luis Kancyper, who defined the fraternal complex as an
"organized set of hostile and loving desires that the child experiences
with respect to his siblings[49],"
but differentiating it from the Oedipus complex. "The fraternal and the
oedipal complexes articulate and reinforce each other. Laplanche states that
the triangle of fraternal rivalry is made up of the child, parents and sibling
(while the Oedipus triangle consists of the child, the father and the mother[50]).”
It analyzes the situation that is generated in children when the parents show
preference for one child in particular and the feelings of rivalry, jealousy
and envy that the siblings experience by not occupying that place in the eyes
of their parents. This value that the parents assign to their children, either
because they are the firstborn, because of the gender they wanted their child
to be, or because of the place they occupy in the family, generates imbalances
in the power relations between one and the other, who are assumed to be either
intruders or rivals. Historical studies have shown the socio-cultural value of
primogeniture and the devaluation of second-born children and what this means
for the development of identity, social recognition and the way each one is
positioned in the world. In this respect, the historian Stone points out how in
the seventeenth century
[...] the birthright created an abyss between the
eldest son and heir and his younger brothers who, by accident in the birth
order, were destined to be thrown into the world and probably to fall [...] the
younger children are the most unnatural enemies of their own home[51].
From
the perspective of Bourdieu, primogeniture can be understood as a social
reproduction strategy of the family or domestic field, as a succession strategy
and as an economic investment strategy: "Succession strategies aim to guarantee the transmission of the
material heritage between generations with minimum possible waste within the
limits of the possibilities offered by customs." Economic investment
strategies "tend to perpetuate or increase capital under its different
forms[52]."
The
reproduction strategies of the family field are rethought according to the
historical context. For example, in Colombia, progress has been made towards
equality of rights for children through the issuance of Law 29 of 1982[53];
even so, in contemporary families, the type of conjugal bond in which the child
is born, the order of arrival and the gender and number of siblings continues
to be significant, given that these elements shape the positioning of each
member and the disputes to be assured a place in the family field, both
symbolically as well as socially and territorially.
The
twentieth-century approach regarding the rights of children does not legally
allow for differences between older and younger children or between children by
gender. This condition of equality before the law rethinks the places of boys
and girls, rearranging positions in the contemporary family field. Even so,
family practices show differentiated treatment for their sons and daughters.
7.
From the
fraternal complex to sibling violence
There
are few studies on the issue of sibling violence, however, there is some
empirical evidence. A study conducted in the United States with children
between three and seventeen showed that 82% were involved in an aggressive act
toward a sibling during the past year (throwing objects, hitting with an
object, kicking and biting[54].)
For
the Colombian case, at the dawn of the 21st century brothers are the main
aggressors, within the category established by the INML as 'mistreatment among
other relatives.'
Table N°1. Maltreatment among other relatives by aggressor. Colombia, 2006[55]
|
Agressor |
Cases |
Percentage |
|
Sibling |
3,502 |
26.3 |
|
Other relatives |
3,386 |
25.4 |
|
Brother/Sister-in-law |
2,183 |
16.4 |
|
Son/Daughter |
1,377 |
10.3 |
|
Father |
763 |
5.7 |
|
Cousin |
585 |
4.4 |
|
Uncle/Aunt |
475 |
3.5 |
|
Father/Mother-in-law |
367 |
2.7 |
|
Stepfather |
292 |
2.2 |
|
Mother |
290 |
2.1 |
|
Stepmother |
46 |
0.3 |
|
Grandfather/Grandmother |
20 |
0.1 |
|
No information |
1 |
0.0 |
|
Total |
13,287 |
100.0 |
Source: SIAVAC – DRIP. Instituto
Nacional de Medicina Legal y Ciencias Forenses, 2006 p. 106.
This
trend was repeated in 2007, since most of the attacks were caused by "a
sibling or a relative, 25.6% and 25.3% respectively[56]."
In 2008, the figures indicated an increase in mistreatment among siblings:
"The siblings with 27.3% are the main perpetrators followed by other
relatives with 21.5%. The increase in sibling aggression can be explained by
hierarchical differences within the family or the dispute over space (...)[57]."
Table Nº2. Mistreatment by other relatives according to possible aggressor.
Colombia, 2008
|
Possible aggressor |
Women |
Men |
Total |
|
Sibling |
2.666 |
1.155 |
3.821 |
|
Other relatives |
1.824 |
1.191 |
3.015 |
|
Brother/Sister-in-law |
1.463 |
856 |
2.319 |
|
Son/Daughter |
914 |
426 |
1.340 |
|
Father |
658 |
276 |
934 |
|
Cousin |
408 |
348 |
756 |
|
Uncle/Aunt |
391 |
215 |
606 |
|
Father/Mother-in-law |
208 |
203 |
411 |
|
Stepfather |
242 |
110 |
352 |
|
Mother |
282 |
64 |
346 |
|
Stepmother |
52 |
13 |
65 |
|
Grandfather/Grandmother |
18 |
5 |
23 |
|
No information |
3 |
3 |
6 |
|
Total |
9.129 |
4.865 |
13.994 |
Source: SIAVAC –
DRIP. Instituto Nacional de Medicina Legal y Ciencias Forenses, 2006 p.
124.
According to studies by
David Finkelhor[58] and other US
researchers, sibling violence is prevalent among children six to twelve years
old, occurring more frequently among males than among females, with a tendency
to decline when boys and girls reach adolescence. Most of the time it is the
brothers who abuse their younger siblings. In Bogotá, cases of mistreatment by
older sisters are recorded when they perform functions as caregivers of the
family group and of their sisters[59].
Violence among siblings
does not escape the socio-cultural meaning schemes that assign a positive value
to violent relationships as a strategy of education and symbolic investment in
order to learn how to defend oneself in life or to learn the expected
behaviors. It is usually trivialized or ignored by parents and adult
caregivers, producing feelings of family injustice, impotence and abandonment.
The nature of this
violence is physical, sexual, emotional, verbal and of abandonment or neglect.
A 15-year-old girl denounced physical and psychological abuse by her older
brother, motivated by disagreements with her boyfriend, before a Family
Commission in Bogota. The mother accepted this abuse by saying that the
daughter deserved it for misbehaving[60]. Another 14-year-old boy
agrees that when he is angry he is unable to control himself and so he lets it
out by beating his sisters[61].
Emotional violence
between siblings is very frequent and manifests itself through insults and
rejection. A seventeen-year-old says about her eighteen-year-old brother that
"he is very grown up, he believes he is something he is not, he thinks he
is the boss, he is very abusive[62]..."
Sexual violence among siblings has
been registered in Colombia by the INML, with 399 cases of 17,914 reported
nationally in 2007[63] and 409 cases of 18,879
in 2008[64].
Because of the
characteristics of violence between siblings, it presents similarities to abuse
between peers, which Dan Olweus[65] characterized by the
intentionality of doing harm, the repetition of violent acts, the abuse of
power, expressing oneself within a social group, manifesting an imbalance of
forces and maintaining a dominant vs. subordinate relationship.
8.
Conclusions
A historical view of the decades between the
1960s and the first decade of the twenty-first century results in the
transformation of family relationships very quickly from one generation to the
next, making violent relationships in which abuse by children against their
parents and siblings has become predominant while in previous generations it
was characterized mainly by parental abuse towards their children and between
spouses.
Intra-familiar violence can be understood as a
form of learning, transmission and the reproduction of norms and cultural
meanings assigned to the agents that in positions of domination exert coercion
over the dominated.
Educational, ethical and symbolic investment
strategies have been associated with the use of violent relationships for their
development. With the historical transformations, these strategies have also
been modified and the use of violence has been limited in its implementation;
the relationships of violence in the family continue to present themselves with
different methods and meanings according to the new legal and social positions
that are now assigned to parents, children and adolescents.
In the new paradigm of rights in which the child
population finds itself, social relations have changed and its articulator in
terms of authority has shifted to relationships of solidarity, responsibility
and equality and this has had repercussions in the universe of social
relations. It is in this new map of social relationships in which the child and
adolescent population has been made visible, and from this context new forms of
expression and new ways of being a boy, girl and adolescent emerge; these ways
show a conflict with the relationships of authority and respect within the
framework of the former patriarchal authority now obsolete in a transition in
which it refuses to disappear altogether.
Child to parent violence can be understood as a
form of the reproduction of the circles of violence in the family field,
violence that can equally be re-signified by agents, parents, or children when
different mechanisms are accessed for their control as with the case of
denunciation in the new framework of a society of rights.
Although sibling violence can be recorded as a
historical constant, it is important to note that this violence in the contemporary
family is part of a different historical moment and therefore the
manifestations of this type of violence express different meanings, among
others, the desires for recognition , not just for firstborn children; the
desire for equality insofar as children and adolescents are subjects with
rights and equality and the need to occupy a social space in which everyone can
be made visible.
Documentary sources
Bogotá. Comisaría de Familia. Localidad Santa Fe, 2007, 2008, 2009.
Bogotá. Comisaría de Familia. Localidad Usaquén, 2007, 2008, 2009.
Bogotá. Comisaría de Familia. Localidad Suba, 2007, 2008, 2009.
Colombia. Congreso de la República. “Ley 29 de 1982”.Diario Oficial
N° 35.961, marzo 9, 1982.
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To cite this article:
Bárbara
Yadira García Sánchez and Javier Guerrero Barón, “Theoretical elements for a historical approach to the family and its
relations of violence during the transition between the 20th and 21st centuries.” Historia y Memoria N° 12
(January-June, 2016): 253-286.
*This article is the product of two research projects: “School violence
in Bogota: an overview from teachers, families and young people. Application of
a qualitative model of research and prevention in the family, the school, and
the neighborhood,” finance by Universidad Pedagógica y Tecnológia de Colombia,
Universidad Distrital Francisco José de
Caldas and COLCIENCIAS 2009-2011; and the project “School violence,
neighborhood environments and urban insecurity,” financed by Universidad
Distrital Francisco José de Caldas, 2012-2015.
[1]Doctor in Education, Rudecolombia. Professor at
Interinstitutional Doctorate in Education, Universidad Distrital Francisco José
de Caldas. Research Group: Training of Educators. Line of research: History
of Education.
barbaragarciasanchez@yahoo.com
[2] Doctor in History, Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Professor at Doctorate in History, Universidad Pedagógica y Tecnológica
de Colombia. Research Group: Social Conflicts of the 20th century.
Line of research: Citizenry and Violence. jguerrer99@gmail.com.
[3] Andrew R Morrison and Biehl M Loreto. Too close to
home. Domestic Violence in the Americas. New York: Inter-American
Development Bank, 1999. Available at: www.iabd.org/pub.
[4] The first revolution of the Young that took place
with force in the 60s and the 70s of the 20th century: first, with a music and
a way of dancing of their own, then in political and social autonomous revolts,
such as in May 1968 in Paris, the Prague Spring, and Tlatelolco in Mexico in
that same year. With respect to Javier Guerrero and Bárbara García
Violencias en Contexto (Bogotá: Universidad Distrital Francisco José de Caldas,
2012).
[5] Pierre Bourdieu and Loïc Wacquant, Invitación
a una sociología reflexiva (Argentina: Siglo XXI editores, 2005), 131.
[6] It is important to
acknowledge other forms of intra-familiar violence: conjugal violence, sexual
violence and child abuse. This last one is still present, though with different
motivations and high rates of frequency, exercised by the mother as well as the
father, but not with the same intensity of previous centuries, especially the
18th century.
[7] Researchers: Bárbara García Sánchez (Universidad Distrital Francisco
José de caldas), Javier Guerrero Barón (Universidad Pedagógica y Tecnológica de
Colombia UPTC) and Blanca Ortiz (Universidad Distrital Francisco José de
Caldas) Co-financed Project: Colciencias, Universidad Distrital and
UPTC.2009-2011.
[8] Researcher Bárbara García Sánchez. Project financed
by Research Center of Universidad Distrital. 2012-2015.
[9] Bárbara Yadira García Sánchez and Javier
Guerrero Barón, Núcleos de Educación Social NES: Investigación, prevención y
participación (with IAP methodology) (Bogotá: Universidad Distrital
Francisco José de Caldas, 2012).
[10] María José Díaz-Aguado, Convivencia Escolar y Prevención de la
Violencia (Spain: Ministry for
Education, 2005. [Retrieved 1
October 2014]. Available at:
http:
//www.ite.educacion.es/w3/recursos2/convivencia_escolar/index.html, p. 64-65.
The author references James Kaufman and Edward
Zigler, “The Intergenerational Transmission of Child Abuse”, in: Dante
Cicchetti and Vicki Carlson (Eds.), Child Maltreatment: Theory and
Research on the causes and consequences of child abuse and neglect (Cambridge:
University. 1989); 129-150.
[11] Etienne G. Krug, et al. (ed).
World Reporto on Violence and Health (Washington, D.C.: Panamerican
Health Organization. Regional Office for the
Americas of the World Health Organization, 2003). Technical and scientific
publication Issue 588 [Retrieved 25 October, 2014]. Available at: <
http://www.paho.org>. ISBN 92 75 31588 4 p. 12.
[12] Andrew R. Morrison and Biehl M. Loreto, Too close
to home (New York: Interamerican Development Bank, 1999). Available at: www.iabd.org/pub p. 199.
[13] Pierre Bourdieu and Jean C. Passeron, La reproducción: Elementos
para una teoría del sistema de enseñanza (Barcelona: Laia, 1972), 22.
[14]Pierre Bourdieu and Jean C. Passeron, La reproducción...23.
[15]Pierre Bourdieu and Jean C. Passeron, La reproducción…229.
[16]Pierre Bourdieu and Jean C. Passeron, La reproducción…19.
[17]Pierre Bourdieu and Jean C. Passeron, Fundamentos de una teoría de la
violencia simbólica (France: 1978). Available
at : <udg.mx/laventana/libr3/bourdieu.html#cola>.
[18]Pierre Bourdieu and Jean C. Passeron, La reproducción…45-46.
[19] Pierre Bourdieu and Jean C. Passeron, La reproducción…51-52.
[20] When the children live with only one parent, mother
or father, as head of the household.
[21] It is the result of a prior legal union or of fact in
which the couple had one or more children. This family is formed as the
consequence of the union of one or both members of the couple, were the new
children of each of them and the ones they have in common get together. This
family responds to the popular saying: los tuyos, los míos y los nuestros. When the second unión is
formed through marriage it receives the name of nuclear, poligenetic family (See: Blanca Inés Jiménez Zuluaga. “Las Familias Nucleares Poligeneticas: Cambios y Permanencias”.
In: Revista Nómadas, Universidad Central, Issue 11, Bogota, October 1999. p.
102-108. p. 104)
[22] This topic has been worked on from the perspective of
authority relations in a prior article. See: Ver: Bárbara
García Sánchez and Javier Guerrero Barón, “Nuevas concepciones de autoridad y
cambios en las relaciones de violencia en la familia y la escuela”, Magis,
Revista Internacional de Investigación en Educación, 4 (8) (2011) Special
edition: La violencia en las escuelas, 297-318.
[23] Pierre Bourdieu, Las estrategias
de la reproducción social, Parte I Reproducción y dominación (Buenos Aires:
Siglo XXI Editores, 2011), 31-50. Available at:
http://www.sigloxxieditores.com.ar/pdfs/bourdieu_las_estrategias_de_la_reproduccion_social.pdf.
(Retrieved on 15 May, 2014).
[24]Pierre Bourdieu, Las estrategias de la reproducción
social…36-37.
[25]Pierre Bourdieu, Las estrategias de la reproducción
social…36.
[26]Pierre Bourdieu, Las estrategias de la reproducción
social…37.
[27]Pierre Bourdieu, Las estrategias de la reproducción
social…37
[28] This topic has been widely dealt with in the afore
cited article by Bárbara García Sánchez and Javier Guerrero Barón, “Nuevas
concepciones de autoridad…” especially in the section called: “De la autoridad
parental a la responsabilidad parental”, p.299 and onward.
[29] Pierre Bourdieu, Meditaciones pascalianas (T. Kauf, Trad.)
(Barcelona: Editorial Anagrama, 1999), 225.
[30]Pierre Bourdieu, Las estrategias de la reproducción social…44.
[31]Pierre Bourdieu, Las estrategias de la reproducción social…46.
[32] Pierre Bourdieu, Las estrategias de la reproducción social…47-48.
[33] Some sites to consult on this matter:
http://www.educacionlibre.org/quienessomos.htm;
http://www.educantenfamilia.blogspot.com.es/
[34]Roberto Pereira, “Violencia filio-parental: un fenómeno emergente”, Revista
Mosaico, fourth season, Issue 36, 8-9.
[35]Pedro A. Carreño Samaniego, “Violencia Intrafamiliar”, Forensis (2008): 115.
[36]Norbert
Elías, La sociedad de los individuos (Barcelona: Península. 1990), 29.
[37] Dora Fried Schnitman, Nuevos paradigmas,
cultura y subjetividad (Buenos Aires: Editorial Paidós. 1994),
353.
[38] Interview of Mothers 007, 008, Colegio No. 1, Bogota,
February 13, 2009. Countless testimonials in Family Commissions. Files from 2006 to 2009 were reviewed in three
Commissions in Bogota.
[39] Ibabe Izaskun, Joana Jauregizar and Óscar Díaz, Violencia
filio-parental: conductas violentas de jóvenes hacia sus padres (Vitoria:
Central Service of Publications Vasque Government, 2007).
Available at: http://www.jusap.ejgv.euskadi.net/r47-ontjus/es/contenidos/informe_estudio/violencia_filio_parental/es_vifilpar/adjuntos/Violencia_Filio-Parental.pdf.
p.119 (Retrieved 4 January, 2014).
[40] Ibabe Izaskun, Joana Jauregizar and Óscar Díaz, Violencia filio-parental:…20.
[41] Poligenetic family: also called consensual or
succesive, where a parent cohabitates with a second, third or fourth partnet
with mixed children.
[42] Bogota. Family Commission. Locality of Santa Fe. January
2008. The cases consulted in other Family Commissions ratify
this conclusion.
[43] Bogota. Family Commission. Locality of Santa Fe…2008
[44] Norma Rubiano. Conflicto y violencia intrafamiliar. (Bogota, Editorial Sigma Editores. 2003). P. 51, 86, 87, 93
[45] Bogota. Familia Commission. Locality of Usaquén. September
2007.
[46] Bogota. Family Commission. Locality
of Suba. May 2009.
[47] Ibabe
Izaskun, Joana Jauregizar and Óscar Díaz, Violencia
filio-parental:…117.
[48] Bogota. Family Commission. Locality of Usaquén. May 2007.
[51]Lawrence Stone, Familia, Sexo y Matrimonio en Inglaterra, 1500-1800
(Mexico: Fund for Economic Culture. 1979), 73.
[52] Pierre Bourdieu, Las
estrategias de la reproducción social (Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI editores,
2011) 36, 37.
[53]
Colombia. Congress of the Republic, “Law 29 of 1982”, Official
Bulletin No. 35.961, March 9, 1982, by which the same inheritance rights
are granted to legitimate, extramarital, and foster children, and the
corresponding adjustments to the inheritance orders are carried out. Article 1:
“Children are legitimate, extramarital and Foster, and they will have the same
rights and obligations.”
[54]Murray Arnold Straus,
Richard Gelles y Suzanne Steinmetz, Behind closed doors: violence in the American Family (editors) (Newbury Park, CA: Sage
Publications, 1988). Cited by: José Manuel Alonso
Varea
and José Luis Castellanos
Delgado, “Por un enfoque integral de la violencia familiar. Intervención Psicosocial”, Revista Intervención Psicosocial, Vol.15, Issue 3. Printed version ISSN 1132-0559. (2006). Available at: http://scielo.isciii.es/scielo.php?pid=S1132-05592006000300002&script=sci_arttext.
[55]Rosa Helena Sierra Fajardo, Neidi Macana Tuta and
Clara Ivett Cortés, “Violencia
intrafamiliar”, Forensis (2006); 106.
Available at: www.medicinalegal.gov.co.
[56]Mónica María García, “Violencia intrafamiliar”, Forensis (2007);
110. Available at: www.medicinalegal.gov.co.
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